History of early Christianity, the development of the early Christian church from its roots in the Jewish community of Roman Palestine to the conversion of Constantine I and the convocation of the First Council of Nicaea. For a more extensive treatment of the history and beliefs of the Christian
www.britannica.com
The church spread with astonishing rapidity. Already in the Acts of the Apostles its movement from one headquarters to another can be traced:
Jerusalem,
Damascus, and
Antioch; the missions of
St. Paul to
Asia Minor (
Tarsus,
Iconium,
Ephesus, and
Cyprus); the crossing to
Macedonia (
Philippi and
Thessalonica) and
Achaea (
Athens and
Corinth); and the beginnings in
Rome. Other early evidence tells of more churches in Asia Minor and of Christians in
Alexandria. Though Christianity found a springboard in Jewish
synagogues, it owed even more to the crucial decision to open the church to gentiles without either
circumcision or complete
adherence to the
Torah.
Roman roads and the comparative security they offered also
facilitated missionary work.
By the end of the 2nd century there were well-established churches in
Gaul (
Lyon,
Vienne, and perhaps
Marseille) and
Latin Africa (
Carthage), with perhaps a start in
Britain, Spain and Roman Germany, though little is known of these areas for another century. To the east,
Edessa soon became the centre of
Syriac Christianity, which spread to
Mesopotamia, the borders of
Persia, and possibly
India.
Armenia adopted Christianity at the beginning of the 4th century, by which time there may have been a Christian majority, or near it, in some cities of Asia Minor and Roman Africa, while progress had been substantial in Gaul and Egypt. The faith had demonstrated its appeal to people of different
cultures and environments.
This was not done without opposition. First, their stern
moral standard (though attractive to some) and their fear of contamination by the
idolatry woven into the texture of social life around them compelled many Christians to stand aloof from their neighbours. Second, the Roman state doubted their loyalty and became increasingly convinced that the growth of the Christian church was incompatible with the unity, safety, and prosperity of the empire. Serious action against the church corporately was not taken until
Septimius Severus forbade conversion under pain of death (202), but long before him a tradition of administrative action against individual Christians and a presumption that they were wicked and dangerous people had been established.
Nero had made Christians scapegoats for the fire of Rome in 64; prior to this, the Roman government had made little distinction between Christians and Jews. Although
Trajan forbade magistrates to take the
initiative against them, Christians denounced by others could be punished simply for persistence in their faith, the proof of which lay often in refusal to participate in the cult of the emperor. Persecution at Lyon in 177, when
Marcus Aurelius abandoned Trajan’s principle “that they are not to be sought out,” pointed to what might come. Meanwhile,
Apologists such as
Justin,
Tertullian, and
Origen protested in vain that Christians were moral, useful, and loyal citizens.
In 250, eager to revitalize the empire on
conservative lines,
Decius ordered all citizens to worship the gods; persecution was extensive and many
apostatized, but the church was not destroyed.
Valerian tried new methods against the
clergy and other leaders,
martyring St. Cyprian and
St. Sixtus II in 258, but the church held firm. His successor
Gallienus granted toleration in practice and perhaps legal recognition. A period of comparative security was ended by the series of persecutions launched in 303 by
Diocletian and
Galerius. Harsh though they were, they entirely missed their objective. Public opinion, now better aware of the nature of Christianity, was revolted by the bloodshed; first Diocletian and later Galerius (311) acknowledged the failure of this policy. In 313
Constantine and
Licinius agreed upon a policy of toleration of Christianity with the proclamation of the
Edict of Milan; Constantine soon turned to active
patronage of the church. Through nearly three centuries the
martyrs had been the seed of the church, and now the accession of a Christian emperor changed the whole situation.
By this time the church had developed considerably in its organization, partly against these external pressures and partly in order to express its own nature as a historically continuous society with a corporate unity, a ministry, and distinct worship practices and
sacraments. Not later than the first decades of the 2nd century there is evidence in Antioch and several Asian cities of congregations being governed by a single
bishop assisted by a group of
presbyters and a number of
deacons. The bishop was the chief minister in
worship, teaching, and pastoral care as well as the supervisor of all administration. The presbyters were collectively his council; individually the bishop might call upon them for help in any of his ministerial duties. The deacons came to be specially associated with the bishop in his liturgical office and in the administration of property, including assistance to the needy.
How far back this threefold
ministry can be traced has long been a matter of controversy. It is certain that typical Christian groups, at least in cities, possessed a recognized ministry from their very beginnings, and it is almost as certain that the pattern of ministry was not derived from Greek models. The presbyters (elders) were clearly taken over from the Jewish synagogue; the bishop (where this title is not simply an
alternative for presbyter) may be related to the supervisor of the
communities known from the
Dead Sea Scrolls. How and when the bishop came to be regarded as having authority over his presbyters and how such a “monarchical” bishop was related to the original apostles—whether by
direct succession of appointment, by localization of missionary-founders, or by elevation from the presbyterate—remains uncertain. While apostles and other first-generation leaders were alive, there was understandably some fluidity in organization, with apostles, prophets, and teachers at work side by side with bishops, presbyters, and deacons; moreover, some New Testament terms may indicate at one time an office, at another a function.
Though the first local unit of organization must have been the
congregation, the church was soon making use of the administrative divisions of the
Roman Empire. Normally each bishop became responsible for the church in a recognized
civitas; that is, an urban centre with its surrounding
territorium. This was the
diocese, the fundamental unit of
ecclesiastical geography. The subdivision of a diocese into
parishes was a much later development. By the late 2nd century, when
heresy and other problems compelled the bishops to meet together in councils, they tended to group themselves according to the civil provinces. In the 3rd century there emerges clear evidence of the ecclesiastical
province, usually coinciding in area with the civil province and accepting the bishop of the civil capital (metropolis) as its primate (
metropolitan), a system which received
canonical status and further precision at the
Council of Nicaea (325). Besides such metropolitans, the bishops of a few outstanding sees acquired a special authority through a combination of the
secular importance of the city and its place in missionary history as a mother church. In Egypt, for example, the bishop of Alexandria ruled six provinces, and in Latin Africa the bishop of Carthage was the accepted leader, though without juridical or canonical rights, of the whole area. The Council of Nicaea, while defining the canonical status of the provincial
synods and metropolitans, reaffirmed the ancient customary privileges of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and certain other unnamed sees. Out of this the patriarchates of later times were developed.