Linguistics of White Racism
Racist discourse strategy in US politics
“New Racism” is a concept that has arisen out of the purported transformation of racial prejudice and discrimination since the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s. The theories that defend the existence of a new racism distinct from pre–1960s prejudice often claim that the Civil Rights Era transformed the way US citizens think about race by legally prohibiting overt forms of racism in society, such as Jim Crow segregation. As a result, these theorists claim, overt racist language also became taboo in public forums, necessitating the creation of a brand new manner of speaking about race: a linguistic strategy that is more furtive and concealed than the racism of old. (Sears 1988; Bobo & Kleugal 1993; Bonilla-Silva 2006; McConahay 1986; Schumann
1997). It is argued that this supposedly new and surreptitious racial prejudice, covert racism, and
its corresponding discourse replaced the overt racist language that was supposedly widely
employed and accepted before the Civil Rights Movement.
I break with this main commonality of the new racism theories. The alleged modernity of covert racist discourse is disproved by the excerpts of political discourse reviewed for the purposes of this study. These demonstrate that covert racist discourse has been an important part of prejudiced language since far before the Civil Rights Era. Plus, similarly contrary to the theories of new racism and the supposedly new taboo status of blatant prejudice, overt racist language is also still used today, decades after the passing of the Civil Rights Act. These two points provide strong evidence that racist language has not undergone much change despite the
legal banishment of some overtly racist practices in the 1960s.
Nevertheless, it is true that some smaller changes in racist language have occurred since the US’s beginning. For one, it seems that the use of overt racist discourse has declined in public speech over the course of the 20th century, demonstrated through alterations in politicians’ linguistic strategies.
Also, it appears that the strategy behind employing covert racism has shifted from a purpose of justifying overt racism before the Civil Rights Era, to a purpose of concealing one’s prejudice. Still, these slight modifications do not prove a positive change in the way the US public views race and discrimination. Rather, racism is a persistent problem that seems nearly impossible to eradicate partially due to its possibly unconscious and subconscious nature as well as to whites’ tendency to disregard all accusations of racism. The apparent lack of a much needed radical transformation in white racism after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 suggests the
exigency of a new approach for effecting revolution in whites’ frames for contemplating race: raising race consciousness.
Nevertheless, much of the American public manages to convince itself that racial discrimination no longer affects the lives of people of color in US society. Instead, many of today’s white US citizens describe programs such as affirmative action as discriminatory, although their purpose is to achieve racial equality (Edsall 1991). Those who use the term “racism” in this way are mistaken for two reasons: first, racism is a context-dependent concept.
As explained by Caleb Rosado (1996), racism is the combined forces of prejudice and power, meaning that only members of the race with institutional influence may be considered “racist.” Secondly, as demonstrated by the statistics cited above, racism still poses serious difficulties for people of color. For these reasons, “reverse racism” does not exist. A “colorblind” stance or viewpoint, therefore, simply ignores the racial issues our society faces, as opposed to creating equal opportunity for members of all races.
These common fallacies, that racism no longer poses a problem for people of color but rather negatively impacts whites through so-called reverse discrimination, cause so much confusion partially due to the way we speak about race. Everyday prejudiced speech, designated by experts as “new” or “modern” racism, is often manifested in covert forms, as opposed to the overt racism that supposedly characterized US society before the Civil Rights Act. These expressions of racism allow speakers, whether intentionally or not, to transmit a prejudiced message in a subtle manner, thereby avoiding accusations of racism and convincing listeners that
the message contains impartial reflections of reality (Bonilla-Silva 2006). The duplicitous nature of today’s discriminatory language is supposedly one of the main distinctions from the no longer socially-acceptable overt racism of the pre–Civil Rights era.
However, contrary to the postulations of many sociologists, the so-called “new racism” is, in fact, not so new or modern. For centuries, white people have maintained their supremacy partially by reproducing inequalities through prejudiced rhetoric. It is evidently true that the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s legally outlawed many forms of overt racism, and also stigmatized the unequivocal vocalization of racial prejudice. This alone, however, does not indicate the evolution of a new type of racism, as well as the creation of a correspondingly new manner of speaking about race. Instead, overt and covert racist language have existed side by side for years. Only when overt racism was met with outcry and its presence in speech declined did the use of covert racist discourse seem much more evident as an indication of persisting prejudice.
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Linguistics of White Racism - Swarthmore College