Jarhead
Gold Member
- Jan 11, 2010
- 20,670
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Jarhead likes to debate.
But there are certain posters I put very little credence into.
You are not one of them....believe it or not.
What Democrat President said"I'll have those N....s voting Democratic..
- Thread starter healthmyths
- Start date
Jarhead likes to debate.
But there are certain posters I put very little credence into.
You are not one of them....believe it or not.
CrusaderFrank
Diamond Member
- May 20, 2009
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Last edited by a moderator:
Pheonixops
Proud Liberal
I would really like to know what "perplexes" some of you people about why other people ("The Blacks") vote the way they do. Do you actually read what not a few of you people say about "The Blacks" on this very forum? What some of you say comes across as contemptuous, bigoted, as well as IGNORANT because some of you people make blanket generalizations and insults about "The Blacks". Why would any self respecting Black person want to align with people like I described above?
Gold Member
- Apr 26, 2011
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Business | Truman's Racist Talk Cited By Historian | Seattle Times Newspaper
NEW YORK - Harry Truman, who made civil rights a federal priority for the first time since Reconstruction, expressed strong racist sentiments before, during and after his presidency, a historian says.
Although Truman toned down his racist expressions after entering the White House in 1945, he continued to use racial slurs in private conversation for the rest of his life, said William Leuchtenburg, president of the American Historical Association.
Leuchtenburg, a University of North Carolina professor, is writing a book on Truman.
In 1911, the year he turned 27, Truman wrote to his future wife, Bess: "I think one man is just as good as another so long as he's honest and decent and not a ****** or a Chinaman. Uncle Will says that the Lord made a white man from dust, a ****** from mud, then He threw up what was left and it came down a Chinaman."
"(Uncle Will) does hate Chinese and Japs," Truman continued. "So do I. It is race prejudice, I guess. But I am strongly of the opinion Negroes ought to be in Africa, yellow men in Asia and white men in Europe and America."
More than 25 years later, Truman, then a U.S. senator from Missouri, wrote a letter to his daughter describing waiters at The White House as "an army of coons." In a letter to his wife in 1939 he referred to "****** picnic day."
Leuchtenburg said recently that some scholars have known about Truman's racist utterances since his letters were opened. "But somehow," Leuchtenburg said, "this has not permeated the public consciousness."
Liz Safly, a librarian at the Truman Library in Independence, Mo., agreed that Truman's remarks were familiar to scholars. The "Uncle Will" quotation, she said, was contained in a volume of letters published in 1983.
Truman's attitudes toward race were shaped by his youth in Missouri. His grandparents had owned slaves; his mother was interned by Union troops during the Civil War and remained "violently unreconstructed" for the rest of her life. Young Harry developed "an abiding belief in white supremacy," Leuchtenburg said.
But, after succeeding Franklin D. Roosevelt, Truman rose above his prejudices. In 1946, when he was told of assaults on black World War II veterans in the South, he exclaimed, "My God! I had no idea it was as terrible as that. We've got to do something!"
The president appointed a committee to study civil-rights abuses and later supported the panel's call for anti-lynching and anti-poll-tax legislation. He also ordered the desegregation of the armed forces and became the first president to campaign in Harlem, in New York City. As a result, he was pilloried by his old Southern Democratic allies.
Here's my favorite former KKK recruiter and respected Democrat, and if you can sit there and say that if a Republican who voted against the Civil Rights Act and a member of the KKK said ****** on live national television that he would have remained a respected Senator and not be savagely attacked you are willfully ignorant. Bush would not have gotten so far if his father voted against and led the filibuster opposed to the Civil Rights Act--Al Gore stood in front of the NAACP and lied, LIED about his father's voting record, and no one called him out on it.
[ame=http://youtu.be/PnO6ai0Ktro]Senator Robert Byrd Says White ******* - YouTube[/ame]
ClosedCaption
Diamond Member
- Sep 15, 2010
- 53,233
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I keep telling them that blacks are no different than anyone else. They typically do not like being given the back of the hand or like to be talked down too BUT then I remember their entire goal isnt to sway blacks to their side its to further alienate themselves....
Then cry about them being persecuted
Pheonixops
Proud Liberal
Say what you want about LBJ and his alleged comment but I challenge you to show me any conservative that has said anything like this below:
"That beginning is freedom; and the barriers to that freedom are tumbling down. Freedom is the right to share, share fully and equally, in American society--to vote, to hold a job, to enter a public place, to go to school. It is the right to be treated in every part of our national life as a person equal in dignity and promise to all others.
FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH
But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by saying: Now you are free to go where you want, and do as you desire, and choose the leaders you please.
You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, "you are free to compete with all the others," and still justly believe that you have been completely fair.
Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates.
For the task is to give 20 million Negroes the same chance as every other American to learn and grow, to work and share in society, to develop their abilities--physical, mental and spiritual, and to pursue their individual happiness.
To this end equal opportunity is essential, but not enough, not enough. Men and women of all races are born with the same range of abilities. But ability is not just the product of birth. Ability is stretched or stunted by the family that you live with, and the neighborhood you live in--by the school you go to and the poverty or the richness of your surroundings. It is the product of a hundred unseen forces playing upon the little infant, the child, and finally the man."
"PROGRESS FOR SOME
This graduating class at Howard University is witness to the indomitable determination of the Negro American to win his way in American life.
The number of Negroes in schools of higher learning has almost doubled in 15 years. The number of nonwhite professional workers has more than doubled in 10 years. The median income of Negro college women tonight exceeds that of white college women. And there are also the enormous accomplishments of distinguished individual Negroes--many of them graduates of this institution, and one of them the first lady ambassador in the history of the United States.
These are proud and impressive achievements. But they tell only the story of a growing middle class minority, steadily narrowing the gap between them and their white counterparts."
"But for the great majority of Negro Americans-the poor, the unemployed, the uprooted, and the dispossessed--there is a much grimmer story. They still, as we meet here tonight, are another nation. Despite the court orders and the laws, despite the legislative victories and the speeches, for them the walls are rising and the gulf is widening.
Here are some of the facts of this American failure.
Thirty-five years ago the rate of unemployment for Negroes and whites was about the same. Tonight the Negro rate is twice as high.
In 1948 the 8 percent unemployment rate for Negro teenage boys was actually less than that of whites. By last year that rate had grown to 23 percent, as against 13 percent for whites unemployed.
Between 1949 and 1959, the income of Negro men relative to white men declined in every section of this country. From 1952 to 1963 the median income of Negro families compared to white actually dropped from 57 percent to 53 percent.
In the years 1955 through 1957, 22 percent of experienced Negro workers were out of work at some time during the year. In 1961 through 1963 that proportion had soared to 29 percent.
Since 1947 the number of white families living in poverty has decreased 27 percent while the number of poorer nonwhite families decreased only 3 percent.
The infant mortality of nonwhites in 1940 was 70 percent greater than whites. Twenty-two years later it was 90 percent greater."
"THE CAUSES OF INEQUALITY
We are not completely sure why this is. We know the causes are complex and subtle. But we do know the two broad basic reasons. And we do know that we have to act.
First, Negroes are trapped--as many whites are trapped--in inherited, gateless poverty. They lack training and skills. They are shut in, in slums, without decent medical care. Private and public poverty combine to cripple their capacities.
We are trying to attack these evils through our poverty program, through our education program, through our medical care and our other health programs, and a dozen more of the Great Society programs that are aimed at the root causes of this poverty."
"SPECIAL NATURE OF NEGRO POVERTY
For Negro poverty is not white poverty. Many of its causes and many of its cures are the same. But there are differences-deep, corrosive, obstinate differences--radiating painful roots into the community, and into the family, and the nature of the individual.
These differences are not racial differences. They are solely and simply the consequence of ancient brutality, past injustice, and present prejudice. They are anguishing to observe. For the Negro they are a constant reminder of oppression. For the white they are a constant reminder of guilt. But they must be faced and they must be dealt with and they must be overcome, if we are ever to reach the time when the only difference between Negroes and whites is the color of their skin."
"Nor can we find a complete answer in the experience of other American minorities. They made a valiant and a largely successful effort to emerge from poverty and prejudice.
The Negro, like these others, will have to rely mostly upon his own efforts. But he just can not do it alone. For they did not have the heritage of centuries to overcome, and they did not have a cultural tradition which had been twisted and battered by endless years of hatred and hopelessness, nor were they excluded--these others--because of race or color--a feeling whose dark intensity is matched by no other prejudice in our society."
"That beginning is freedom; and the barriers to that freedom are tumbling down. Freedom is the right to share, share fully and equally, in American society--to vote, to hold a job, to enter a public place, to go to school. It is the right to be treated in every part of our national life as a person equal in dignity and promise to all others.
FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH
But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by saying: Now you are free to go where you want, and do as you desire, and choose the leaders you please.
You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, "you are free to compete with all the others," and still justly believe that you have been completely fair.
Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates.
For the task is to give 20 million Negroes the same chance as every other American to learn and grow, to work and share in society, to develop their abilities--physical, mental and spiritual, and to pursue their individual happiness.
To this end equal opportunity is essential, but not enough, not enough. Men and women of all races are born with the same range of abilities. But ability is not just the product of birth. Ability is stretched or stunted by the family that you live with, and the neighborhood you live in--by the school you go to and the poverty or the richness of your surroundings. It is the product of a hundred unseen forces playing upon the little infant, the child, and finally the man."
"PROGRESS FOR SOME
This graduating class at Howard University is witness to the indomitable determination of the Negro American to win his way in American life.
The number of Negroes in schools of higher learning has almost doubled in 15 years. The number of nonwhite professional workers has more than doubled in 10 years. The median income of Negro college women tonight exceeds that of white college women. And there are also the enormous accomplishments of distinguished individual Negroes--many of them graduates of this institution, and one of them the first lady ambassador in the history of the United States.
These are proud and impressive achievements. But they tell only the story of a growing middle class minority, steadily narrowing the gap between them and their white counterparts."
"But for the great majority of Negro Americans-the poor, the unemployed, the uprooted, and the dispossessed--there is a much grimmer story. They still, as we meet here tonight, are another nation. Despite the court orders and the laws, despite the legislative victories and the speeches, for them the walls are rising and the gulf is widening.
Here are some of the facts of this American failure.
Thirty-five years ago the rate of unemployment for Negroes and whites was about the same. Tonight the Negro rate is twice as high.
In 1948 the 8 percent unemployment rate for Negro teenage boys was actually less than that of whites. By last year that rate had grown to 23 percent, as against 13 percent for whites unemployed.
Between 1949 and 1959, the income of Negro men relative to white men declined in every section of this country. From 1952 to 1963 the median income of Negro families compared to white actually dropped from 57 percent to 53 percent.
In the years 1955 through 1957, 22 percent of experienced Negro workers were out of work at some time during the year. In 1961 through 1963 that proportion had soared to 29 percent.
Since 1947 the number of white families living in poverty has decreased 27 percent while the number of poorer nonwhite families decreased only 3 percent.
The infant mortality of nonwhites in 1940 was 70 percent greater than whites. Twenty-two years later it was 90 percent greater."
"THE CAUSES OF INEQUALITY
We are not completely sure why this is. We know the causes are complex and subtle. But we do know the two broad basic reasons. And we do know that we have to act.
First, Negroes are trapped--as many whites are trapped--in inherited, gateless poverty. They lack training and skills. They are shut in, in slums, without decent medical care. Private and public poverty combine to cripple their capacities.
We are trying to attack these evils through our poverty program, through our education program, through our medical care and our other health programs, and a dozen more of the Great Society programs that are aimed at the root causes of this poverty."
"SPECIAL NATURE OF NEGRO POVERTY
For Negro poverty is not white poverty. Many of its causes and many of its cures are the same. But there are differences-deep, corrosive, obstinate differences--radiating painful roots into the community, and into the family, and the nature of the individual.
These differences are not racial differences. They are solely and simply the consequence of ancient brutality, past injustice, and present prejudice. They are anguishing to observe. For the Negro they are a constant reminder of oppression. For the white they are a constant reminder of guilt. But they must be faced and they must be dealt with and they must be overcome, if we are ever to reach the time when the only difference between Negroes and whites is the color of their skin."
"Nor can we find a complete answer in the experience of other American minorities. They made a valiant and a largely successful effort to emerge from poverty and prejudice.
The Negro, like these others, will have to rely mostly upon his own efforts. But he just can not do it alone. For they did not have the heritage of centuries to overcome, and they did not have a cultural tradition which had been twisted and battered by endless years of hatred and hopelessness, nor were they excluded--these others--because of race or color--a feeling whose dark intensity is matched by no other prejudice in our society."
NYcarbineer
Diamond Member
The war on poverty affected far more whites than blacks.
NYcarbineer
Diamond Member
You can take the white man out of Texas but it's hard to take the Texas out of the white man.
Pheonixops
Proud Liberal
"There is also the burden that a dark skin can add to the search for a productive place in our society. Unemployment strikes most swiftly and broadly at the Negro, and this burden erodes hope. Blighted hope breeds despair. Despair brings indifferences to the learning which offers a way out. And despair, coupled with indifferences, is often the source of destructive rebellion against the fabric of society.
There is also the lacerating hurt of early collision with white hatred or prejudice, distaste or condescension. Other groups have felt similar intolerance. But success and achievement could wipe it away. They do not change the color of a man's skin. I have seen this uncomprehending pain in the eyes of the little, young Mexican-American schoolchildren that I taught many years ago. But it can be overcome. But, for many, the wounds are always open."
"Perhaps most important--its influence radiating to every part of life--is the breakdown of the Negro family structure. For this, most of all, white America must accept responsibility. It flows from centuries of oppression and persecution of the Negro man. It flows from the long years of degradation and discrimination, which have attacked his dignity and assaulted his ability to produce for his family.
This, too, is not pleasant to look upon. But it must be faced by those whose serious intent is to improve the life of all Americans.
Only a minority--less than half--of all Negro children reach the age of 18 having lived all their lives with both of their parents. At this moment, tonight, little less than two-thirds are at home with both of their parents. Probably a majority of all Negro children receive federally-aided public assistance sometime during their childhood."
"The family is the cornerstone of our society. More than any other force it shapes the attitude, the hopes, the ambitions, and the values of the child. And when the family collapses it is the children that are usually damaged. When it happens on a massive scale the community itself is crippled.
So, unless we work to strengthen the family, to create conditions under which most parents will stay together--all the rest: schools, and playgrounds, and public assistance, and private concern, will never be enough to cut completely the circle of despair and deprivation."
There is also the lacerating hurt of early collision with white hatred or prejudice, distaste or condescension. Other groups have felt similar intolerance. But success and achievement could wipe it away. They do not change the color of a man's skin. I have seen this uncomprehending pain in the eyes of the little, young Mexican-American schoolchildren that I taught many years ago. But it can be overcome. But, for many, the wounds are always open."
"Perhaps most important--its influence radiating to every part of life--is the breakdown of the Negro family structure. For this, most of all, white America must accept responsibility. It flows from centuries of oppression and persecution of the Negro man. It flows from the long years of degradation and discrimination, which have attacked his dignity and assaulted his ability to produce for his family.
This, too, is not pleasant to look upon. But it must be faced by those whose serious intent is to improve the life of all Americans.
Only a minority--less than half--of all Negro children reach the age of 18 having lived all their lives with both of their parents. At this moment, tonight, little less than two-thirds are at home with both of their parents. Probably a majority of all Negro children receive federally-aided public assistance sometime during their childhood."
"The family is the cornerstone of our society. More than any other force it shapes the attitude, the hopes, the ambitions, and the values of the child. And when the family collapses it is the children that are usually damaged. When it happens on a massive scale the community itself is crippled.
So, unless we work to strengthen the family, to create conditions under which most parents will stay together--all the rest: schools, and playgrounds, and public assistance, and private concern, will never be enough to cut completely the circle of despair and deprivation."
Gold Member
- Apr 26, 2011
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As usual you've nothing contribute.
- Moderator
- #93
There is no proof LBJ ever said that. It's nothing but an unsubstantiated rumor.
Pheonixops
Proud Liberal
"There is no single easy answer to all of these problems.
Jobs are part of the answer. They bring the income which permits a man to provide for his family.
Decent homes in decent surroundings and a chance to learn--an equal chance to learn--are part of the answer.
Welfare and social programs better designed to hold families together are part of the answer."
President Lyndon B. Johnson's Commencement Address at Howard University: "To Fulfill These Rights" June 4, 1965
Jobs are part of the answer. They bring the income which permits a man to provide for his family.
Decent homes in decent surroundings and a chance to learn--an equal chance to learn--are part of the answer.
Welfare and social programs better designed to hold families together are part of the answer."
President Lyndon B. Johnson's Commencement Address at Howard University: "To Fulfill These Rights" June 4, 1965
Gold Member
- Apr 26, 2011
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White liberals are given a pass to be as racist as they want with little recourse against black people they disagree with. The things said to Stacey Dash after she endorsed Romney was sickening, and it would never be tolerated if it occurred to a liberal black person.
ClosedCaption
Diamond Member
- Sep 15, 2010
- 53,233
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I love these threads.
An unapologetic racist makes a racist thread.
Right wingers trip over themselves attacking liberals, without ever calling the OP out on being a racist.
Liberals call right wingers racist.
Right wingers say "Quit playing the race card."
Gold Member
- Apr 26, 2011
- 2,979
- 500
- 130
I love these threads.
An unapologetic racist makes a racist thread.
Right wingers trip over themselves attacking liberals, without ever calling the OP out on being a racist.
Liberals call right wingers racist.
Right wingers say "Quit playing the race card."
So...you haven't a point to make. It is not whoa is me, it is a fact that I was simply pointing out. Your response shows you don't have a rebuttal, and the actions and statements said about black conservatives are hateful, racist, bullshit from a party that wraps itself in feel-good platitudes and hypocritical calls for tolerance.
It is just like the claims that the way Obama has been treated is unprecedented. Reality to a liberal is wholly subjective to suit whatever the political climate. Willfully ignore whatever does not fit your simplistic worldview.
JakeStarkey
Diamond Member
- Aug 10, 2009
- 168,037
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- Banned
- #98
Last edited by a moderator:
JakeStarkey
Diamond Member
- Aug 10, 2009
- 168,037
- 16,527
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- Banned
- #99
Good to see google pretend to be accurate.
And of course he is missing the thousands of nonsense and racist and sexist and so forth and so on remarks by the far right reactionaries over the century.
None out in the real USA gives a crap about the stuff below.
And of course he is missing the thousands of nonsense and racist and sexist and so forth and so on remarks by the far right reactionaries over the century.
None out in the real USA gives a crap about the stuff below.
CrusaderFrank
Diamond Member
- May 20, 2009
- 153,543
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