If I Had Been President of the Confederacy. . . .

mikegriffith1

Mike Griffith
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If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:

-- I would have vetoed the Confederate congressional bill in early March 1861 that set CSA tariff rates at 10%. This low tariff posed a direct threat to Northern economic interests. Many Northern newspapers noted the threat that the lower CSA tariff posed to the Northern economy. It was too early to be passing such a provocative tariff bill. I would have worked to ensure that the initial CSA tariff rates were comparable to the U.S. rates, if not identical to them. I would not have considered lowering Confederate tariff rates until months after it was clear there would be no war with the U.S.

-- I would have ordered a halt to the seizure of federal installations in the South.

-- I would have publicly expressed regret for the seizures that had already occurred and would have explained that they were done before the Confederacy was formed.

-- I would have repeatedly made it clear in public statements that the Confederacy was willing to pay compensation for federal installations in the South.

-- I would have repudiated the obnoxious, ridiculous statements regarding slavery in Alexander Stephens' "cornerstone speech."

-- I would have ensured that the provision of food to the Fort Sumter garrison was continued. This would have enabled Lincoln to avoid having to send a federal naval convoy to provide food to the garrison.

-- If Lincoln had still sent a convoy to Sumter to provide additional food, I would have done nothing to prevent the operation.

-- Regarding the whole Sumter question, I would have issued a public statement along these lines:

"I realize that for many of our Northern brethren, Fort Sumter is still federal property and cannot be relinquished. I know there are some elements in the North who hope that we will attack Fort Sumter if it is not evacuated in the next few weeks, and who plan on using such an attack as a pretext for an invasion of the Confederacy. I declare that we will not attack Fort Sumter as long as the fort does not fire on us and does not fire on ships entering and leaving Charleston Harbor. We will leave Fort Sumter unmolested even if the federal garrison remains there for years to come--again, as long as the garrison takes no hostile action against us or against shipping in the harbor. The same applies to Fort Pickens."

This would have put the onus on Northern hardliners to fire the first shot. It would have led many more Northerners to conclude that it made no sense to leave the garrison on Sumter given that the fort was now in another nation's harbor and could no good for the U.S. there. This, couple with a repeated Confederate offer of compensation for all federal installations in the South, would have caused a majority of Northerners to see Sumter as a non-issue and to support its sale to the Confederacy.

-- I would have publicly called for a gradual, compensated emancipation program in my first message to the Confederate Congress in early 1861.

-- By no later than mid-1862, I would have called for enlisting slaves as soldiers in exchange for freedom for themselves and their families. Some states and individual commanders were already doing this, persuading 3,000 to 7,000 slaves to serve as soldiers in their armies, but this was a drop in the bucket. A call for such enlistments sanctioned by the national government from the Confederate president would have been a great PR move and would have provided much-needed reinforcements for the army.

-- If the Confederate Congress still had not begun a gradual emancipation program by the time Lincoln issued the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, I would have used the proclamation as another occasion to call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- In response to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in January 1863, I would not have threatened to treat ex-Southern slaves serving in the Union army and their officers as criminals who would be handed over to the states for prosecution. Instead, I would have announced that such soldiers and officers would be treated just like any other captured Union soldiers and officers.

-- I would have used the occasion of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation to again call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- I would not have refused to include captured black Union soldiers in prisoner exchanges.

-- I would have accepted the huge loans that European nations offered in early 1861, as opposed to the much smaller loans that Jefferson Davis agreed to accept.

-- I would have made no effort to seize New Mexico Territory. The Confederacy had no right to that territory. If you leave the Union, then you forfeit any right to a "fair distribution of the territories."
 
If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:

-- I would have vetoed the Confederate congressional bill in early March 1861 that set CSA tariff rates at 10%. This low tariff posed a direct threat to Northern economic interests. Many Northern newspapers noted the threat that the lower CSA tariff posed to the Northern economy. It was too early to be passing such a provocative tariff bill. I would have worked to ensure that the initial CSA tariff rates were comparable to the U.S. rates, if not identical to them. I would not have considered lowering Confederate tariff rates until months after it was clear there would be no war with the U.S.

-- I would have ordered a halt to the seizure of federal installations in the South.

-- I would have publicly expressed regret for the seizures that had already occurred and would have explained that they were done before the Confederacy was formed.

-- I would have repeatedly made it clear in public statements that the Confederacy was willing to pay compensation for federal installations in the South.

-- I would have repudiated the obnoxious, ridiculous statements regarding slavery in Alexander Stephens' "cornerstone speech."

-- I would have ensured that the provision of food to the Fort Sumter garrison was continued. This would have enabled Lincoln to avoid having to send a federal naval convoy to provide food to the garrison.

-- If Lincoln had still sent a convoy to Sumter to provide additional food, I would have done nothing to prevent the operation.

-- Regarding the whole Sumter question, I would have issued a public statement along these lines:

"I realize that for many of our Northern brethren, Fort Sumter is still federal property and cannot be relinquished. I know there are some elements in the North who hope that we will attack Fort Sumter if it is not evacuated in the next few weeks, and who plan on using such an attack as a pretext for an invasion of the Confederacy. I declare that we will not attack Fort Sumter as long as the fort does not fire on us and does not fire on ships entering and leaving Charleston Harbor. We will leave Fort Sumter unmolested even if the federal garrison remains there for years to come--again, as long as the garrison takes no hostile action against us or against shipping in the harbor. The same applies to Fort Pickens."

This would have put the onus on Northern hardliners to fire the first shot. It would have led many more Northerners to conclude that it made no sense to leave the garrison on Sumter given that the fort was now in another nation's harbor and could no good for the U.S. there. This, couple with a repeated Confederate offer of compensation for all federal installations in the South, would have caused a majority of Northerners to see Sumter as a non-issue and to support its sale to the Confederacy.

-- I would have publicly called for a gradual, compensated emancipation program in my first message to the Confederate Congress in early 1861.

-- By no later than mid-1862, I would have called for enlisting slaves as soldiers in exchange for freedom for themselves and their families. Some states and individual commanders were already doing this, persuading 3,000 to 7,000 slaves to serve as soldiers in their armies, but this was a drop in the bucket. A call for such enlistments sanctioned by the national government from the Confederate president would have been a great PR move and would have provided much-needed reinforcements for the army.

-- If the Confederate Congress still had not begun a gradual emancipation program by the time Lincoln issued the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, I would have used the proclamation as another occasion to call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- In response to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in January 1863, I would not have threatened to treat ex-Southern slaves serving in the Union army and their officers as criminals who would be handed over to the states for prosecution. Instead, I would have announced that such soldiers and officers would be treated just like any other captured Union soldiers and officers.

-- I would have used the occasion of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation to again call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- I would not have refused to include captured black Union soldiers in prisoner exchanges.

-- I would have accepted the huge loans that European nations offered in early 1861, as opposed to the much smaller loans that Jefferson Davis agreed to accept.

-- I would have made no effort to seize New Mexico Territory. The Confederacy had no right to that territory. If you leave the Union, then you forfeit any right to a "fair distribution of the territories."
They would have tarred and feathered you~
 
PAY YOUR LABOR you lazy assed treasonous &^%^%$#....
Did you even read the OP? Did you not notice the repeated statements about calling for a gradual emancipation program?

BTW, did you know that 90% of Southerners did not own slaves and that 66% of Southern households had no slaves?

Bleipriester:

I would have rejoined the Union.
Well, actually, Davis initially opposed secession and worked hard for a compromise measure that would have maintained the Union.

Dekster:​

I would have taken the gold and fled to Cuba a lot sooner like any Real 'Merican would do these days.
I take it you're not aware that that's a myth.

BothWings:​

I think you would have beat Abraham Lincoln to the same fate by a couple of years.
I think you've done little reading about the antebellum and wartime South.
 
If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:

-- I would have vetoed the Confederate congressional bill in early March 1861 that set CSA tariff rates at 10%. This low tariff posed a direct threat to Northern economic interests. Many Northern newspapers noted the threat that the lower CSA tariff posed to the Northern economy. It was too early to be passing such a provocative tariff bill. I would have worked to ensure that the initial CSA tariff rates were comparable to the U.S. rates, if not identical to them. I would not have considered lowering Confederate tariff rates until months after it was clear there would be no war with the U.S.

-- I would have ordered a halt to the seizure of federal installations in the South.

-- I would have publicly expressed regret for the seizures that had already occurred and would have explained that they were done before the Confederacy was formed.

-- I would have repeatedly made it clear in public statements that the Confederacy was willing to pay compensation for federal installations in the South.

-- I would have repudiated the obnoxious, ridiculous statements regarding slavery in Alexander Stephens' "cornerstone speech."

-- I would have ensured that the provision of food to the Fort Sumter garrison was continued. This would have enabled Lincoln to avoid having to send a federal naval convoy to provide food to the garrison.

-- If Lincoln had still sent a convoy to Sumter to provide additional food, I would have done nothing to prevent the operation.

-- Regarding the whole Sumter question, I would have issued a public statement along these lines:

"I realize that for many of our Northern brethren, Fort Sumter is still federal property and cannot be relinquished. I know there are some elements in the North who hope that we will attack Fort Sumter if it is not evacuated in the next few weeks, and who plan on using such an attack as a pretext for an invasion of the Confederacy. I declare that we will not attack Fort Sumter as long as the fort does not fire on us and does not fire on ships entering and leaving Charleston Harbor. We will leave Fort Sumter unmolested even if the federal garrison remains there for years to come--again, as long as the garrison takes no hostile action against us or against shipping in the harbor. The same applies to Fort Pickens."

This would have put the onus on Northern hardliners to fire the first shot. It would have led many more Northerners to conclude that it made no sense to leave the garrison on Sumter given that the fort was now in another nation's harbor and could no good for the U.S. there. This, couple with a repeated Confederate offer of compensation for all federal installations in the South, would have caused a majority of Northerners to see Sumter as a non-issue and to support its sale to the Confederacy.

-- I would have publicly called for a gradual, compensated emancipation program in my first message to the Confederate Congress in early 1861.

-- By no later than mid-1862, I would have called for enlisting slaves as soldiers in exchange for freedom for themselves and their families. Some states and individual commanders were already doing this, persuading 3,000 to 7,000 slaves to serve as soldiers in their armies, but this was a drop in the bucket. A call for such enlistments sanctioned by the national government from the Confederate president would have been a great PR move and would have provided much-needed reinforcements for the army.

-- If the Confederate Congress still had not begun a gradual emancipation program by the time Lincoln issued the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, I would have used the proclamation as another occasion to call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- In response to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in January 1863, I would not have threatened to treat ex-Southern slaves serving in the Union army and their officers as criminals who would be handed over to the states for prosecution. Instead, I would have announced that such soldiers and officers would be treated just like any other captured Union soldiers and officers.

-- I would have used the occasion of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation to again call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- I would not have refused to include captured black Union soldiers in prisoner exchanges.

-- I would have accepted the huge loans that European nations offered in early 1861, as opposed to the much smaller loans that Jefferson Davis agreed to accept.

-- I would have made no effort to seize New Mexico Territory. The Confederacy had no right to that territory. If you leave the Union, then you forfeit any right to a "fair distribution of the territories."
Interesting. I do however believe some of your proposals would have meant with very serious opposition in the Confederate Congress concerning emancipation. Also on a unrelated matter Davis did not notice or if he did it was over his head but almost all southern railroads moved south to north, few if any east to west which hampered confederate armies in the west.
 
If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:

-- I would have vetoed the Confederate congressional bill in early March 1861 that set CSA tariff rates at 10%. This low tariff posed a direct threat to Northern economic interests. Many Northern newspapers noted the threat that the lower CSA tariff posed to the Northern economy. It was too early to be passing such a provocative tariff bill. I would have worked to ensure that the initial CSA tariff rates were comparable to the U.S. rates, if not identical to them. I would not have considered lowering Confederate tariff rates until months after it was clear there would be no war with the U.S.

-- I would have ordered a halt to the seizure of federal installations in the South.

-- I would have publicly expressed regret for the seizures that had already occurred and would have explained that they were done before the Confederacy was formed.

-- I would have repeatedly made it clear in public statements that the Confederacy was willing to pay compensation for federal installations in the South.

-- I would have repudiated the obnoxious, ridiculous statements regarding slavery in Alexander Stephens' "cornerstone speech."

-- I would have ensured that the provision of food to the Fort Sumter garrison was continued. This would have enabled Lincoln to avoid having to send a federal naval convoy to provide food to the garrison.

-- If Lincoln had still sent a convoy to Sumter to provide additional food, I would have done nothing to prevent the operation.

-- Regarding the whole Sumter question, I would have issued a public statement along these lines:

"I realize that for many of our Northern brethren, Fort Sumter is still federal property and cannot be relinquished. I know there are some elements in the North who hope that we will attack Fort Sumter if it is not evacuated in the next few weeks, and who plan on using such an attack as a pretext for an invasion of the Confederacy. I declare that we will not attack Fort Sumter as long as the fort does not fire on us and does not fire on ships entering and leaving Charleston Harbor. We will leave Fort Sumter unmolested even if the federal garrison remains there for years to come--again, as long as the garrison takes no hostile action against us or against shipping in the harbor. The same applies to Fort Pickens."

This would have put the onus on Northern hardliners to fire the first shot. It would have led many more Northerners to conclude that it made no sense to leave the garrison on Sumter given that the fort was now in another nation's harbor and could no good for the U.S. there. This, couple with a repeated Confederate offer of compensation for all federal installations in the South, would have caused a majority of Northerners to see Sumter as a non-issue and to support its sale to the Confederacy.

-- I would have publicly called for a gradual, compensated emancipation program in my first message to the Confederate Congress in early 1861.

-- By no later than mid-1862, I would have called for enlisting slaves as soldiers in exchange for freedom for themselves and their families. Some states and individual commanders were already doing this, persuading 3,000 to 7,000 slaves to serve as soldiers in their armies, but this was a drop in the bucket. A call for such enlistments sanctioned by the national government from the Confederate president would have been a great PR move and would have provided much-needed reinforcements for the army.

-- If the Confederate Congress still had not begun a gradual emancipation program by the time Lincoln issued the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, I would have used the proclamation as another occasion to call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- In response to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in January 1863, I would not have threatened to treat ex-Southern slaves serving in the Union army and their officers as criminals who would be handed over to the states for prosecution. Instead, I would have announced that such soldiers and officers would be treated just like any other captured Union soldiers and officers.

-- I would have used the occasion of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation to again call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- I would not have refused to include captured black Union soldiers in prisoner exchanges.

-- I would have accepted the huge loans that European nations offered in early 1861, as opposed to the much smaller loans that Jefferson Davis agreed to accept.

-- I would have made no effort to seize New Mexico Territory. The Confederacy had no right to that territory. If you leave the Union, then you forfeit any right to a "fair distribution of the territories."
Inversely, if I were President of the US, I would have driven all the whites, all of them not killed, into Kansas.but it would done like the Cherokee trail of tears, with the survivors under the control of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the uncaring US Army.

I would have turned the rebel states into free land for the former slaves and new immigrants.

No Jim Crow. Just fine upstanding citizens.

Suck it you traitor bastards.
 
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If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:
I would have keel hauled all the Traitor Legislators and Politicians in Chesapeake Bay. ******* shithead traitor bastards.
 
Interesting. I do however believe some of your proposals would have meant with very serious opposition in the Confederate Congress concerning emancipation.
I agree, but my point is that Davis should have begun pushing for emancipation much earlier instead of waiting until late 1864.

Zincwarrior:

Inversely, if I were President of the US, I would have driven all the whites, all of them not killed, into Kansas, but it would done like the Cherokee trail of tears, with the survivors under the control of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the uncaring US Army.
You again show your racist colors.

Regarding the Trail of Tears, you might want to do a bit more reading on the subject, starting with Dr. Jeff Fynn-Paul's book Not Stolen: The Truth About European Colonialism in the New World. BTW, are you aware that many of the Indians went voluntarily, that the U.S. Government spent years giving the Indians various offers to get them to leave voluntarily, that the death rate in the Trail of Tears forced marches was not that much higher than the death rate among some white handcart companies that crossed the plains in the 1850s, and that the Cherokee took several thousand black slaves with them to Oklahoma (then designated as Indian territory)?

I agree that the Trail of Tears forced marches were unjust and badly timed, but the woke narrative about them is exaggerated and selective.
 
I agree, but my point is that Davis should have begun pushing for emancipation much earlier instead of waiting until late 1864.


You again show your racist colors.

Regarding the Trail of Tears, you might want to do a bit more reading on the subject, starting with Dr. Jeff Fynn-Paul's book Not Stolen: The Truth About European Colonialism in the New World. BTW, are you aware that many of the Indians went voluntarily, that the U.S. Government spent years giving the Indians various offers to get them to leave voluntarily, that the death rate in the Trail of Tears forced marches was not that much higher than the death rate among some white handcart companies that crossed the plains in the 1850s, and that the Cherokee took several thousand black slaves with them to Oklahoma (then designated as Indian territory)?

I agree that the Trail of Tears forced marches were unjust and badly timed, but the woke narrative about them is exaggerated and selective.
To be clear, if you were the Traitor President I would have shot you in the feet, then the knees, then the balls, then I would have let Comanche women skin you alive.

Hugs and kisses.
 
To be clear, if you were the Traitor President I would have shot you in the feet, then the knees, then the balls, then I would have let Comanche women skin you alive. Hugs and kisses.
So you're not just your average run-of-the-mill racist: you're a vile, fringe racist. Good to know.

BTW, do you have any clue how many thousadns of their fellow Indians the Comanche murdered or enslaved? I suspect you don't care about the large numbers of whites they murdered or enslaved, but you should care about the many thousands of their fellow Indians they brutalized. You should read Pekka Hämäläinen's award-winning book The Comanche Empire (Yale University Press, 2008).

We did humanity and civilization a big favor by conquering the Comanche.
 
If I had been president of the Confederacy, instead of Jefferson Davis, here is what I would have done differently:

-- I would have vetoed the Confederate congressional bill in early March 1861 that set CSA tariff rates at 10%. This low tariff posed a direct threat to Northern economic interests. Many Northern newspapers noted the threat that the lower CSA tariff posed to the Northern economy. It was too early to be passing such a provocative tariff bill. I would have worked to ensure that the initial CSA tariff rates were comparable to the U.S. rates, if not identical to them. I would not have considered lowering Confederate tariff rates until months after it was clear there would be no war with the U.S.

-- I would have ordered a halt to the seizure of federal installations in the South.

-- I would have publicly expressed regret for the seizures that had already occurred and would have explained that they were done before the Confederacy was formed.

-- I would have repeatedly made it clear in public statements that the Confederacy was willing to pay compensation for federal installations in the South.

-- I would have repudiated the obnoxious, ridiculous statements regarding slavery in Alexander Stephens' "cornerstone speech."

-- I would have ensured that the provision of food to the Fort Sumter garrison was continued. This would have enabled Lincoln to avoid having to send a federal naval convoy to provide food to the garrison.

-- If Lincoln had still sent a convoy to Sumter to provide additional food, I would have done nothing to prevent the operation.

-- Regarding the whole Sumter question, I would have issued a public statement along these lines:

"I realize that for many of our Northern brethren, Fort Sumter is still federal property and cannot be relinquished. I know there are some elements in the North who hope that we will attack Fort Sumter if it is not evacuated in the next few weeks, and who plan on using such an attack as a pretext for an invasion of the Confederacy. I declare that we will not attack Fort Sumter as long as the fort does not fire on us and does not fire on ships entering and leaving Charleston Harbor. We will leave Fort Sumter unmolested even if the federal garrison remains there for years to come--again, as long as the garrison takes no hostile action against us or against shipping in the harbor. The same applies to Fort Pickens."

This would have put the onus on Northern hardliners to fire the first shot. It would have led many more Northerners to conclude that it made no sense to leave the garrison on Sumter given that the fort was now in another nation's harbor and could no good for the U.S. there. This, couple with a repeated Confederate offer of compensation for all federal installations in the South, would have caused a majority of Northerners to see Sumter as a non-issue and to support its sale to the Confederacy.

-- I would have publicly called for a gradual, compensated emancipation program in my first message to the Confederate Congress in early 1861.

-- By no later than mid-1862, I would have called for enlisting slaves as soldiers in exchange for freedom for themselves and their families. Some states and individual commanders were already doing this, persuading 3,000 to 7,000 slaves to serve as soldiers in their armies, but this was a drop in the bucket. A call for such enlistments sanctioned by the national government from the Confederate president would have been a great PR move and would have provided much-needed reinforcements for the army.

-- If the Confederate Congress still had not begun a gradual emancipation program by the time Lincoln issued the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, I would have used the proclamation as another occasion to call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- In response to the Emancipation Proclamation issued in January 1863, I would not have threatened to treat ex-Southern slaves serving in the Union army and their officers as criminals who would be handed over to the states for prosecution. Instead, I would have announced that such soldiers and officers would be treated just like any other captured Union soldiers and officers.

-- I would have used the occasion of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation to again call for a Confederate emancipation program.

-- I would not have refused to include captured black Union soldiers in prisoner exchanges.

-- I would have accepted the huge loans that European nations offered in early 1861, as opposed to the much smaller loans that Jefferson Davis agreed to accept.

-- I would have made no effort to seize New Mexico Territory. The Confederacy had no right to that territory. If you leave the Union, then you forfeit any right to a "fair distribution of the territories."

Send this to Gavin Newsom. It looks like he's going to be the next Confederate president.
 
15th post
Was the Confederacy ever officially recognized by the US or other countries?
 
So you're not just your average run-of-the-mill racist: you're a vile, fringe racist. Good to know.
Your comprehension skills are not good. I would have down to the traitor states the exact thing we did to native tribes. Totally **** them up, starve them of their food supply, and ship them thousands of miles away to starve a lot more or be shot up by the Army. The traitors would immediately be replaced by hard working patriotic immigrants and ex slaves.

Well except for you. As noted, as the hypothetical President you would have hypothetically been kee;l hauled in Cheasepeake Bay until you were dead.
 
Was the Confederacy ever officially recognized by the US or other countries?
Not England or France. No other nation really mattered. Other nations could not force open the blockade by the Anointed by God Righteous US Navy. Prussia's navy was not great. I don't think the Russian one at the time was either.
 
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Your comprehension skills are not good. I would have down to the traitor states the exact thing we did to native tribes. Totally **** them up, starve them of their food supply, and ship them thousands of miles away to starve a lot more or be shot up by the Army. The traitors would immediately be replaced by hard working patriotic immigrants and ex slaves.

Well except for you. As noted, as the hypothetical President you would have hypothetically been kee;l hauled in Cheasepeake Bay until you were dead.

^^^Remember, everyone, this is what the left is promising to do to Americans if they ever regain power.
 
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