That is a lib lie
Trump is saying that the Deep State may have mislead him about foreign interference
II. President Trumpās Response To Foreign Influence In The 2016 Election
President Trump seeks the complete, classified version of the 2016 Election ICA and all source materials. See Doc. 166-1, Ex. C at 3 (Request Nos. 8, 14). In addition, as explained in the Classified Supplement, President Trump also seeks specific information relating to measures that he oversaw to mitigate cybersecurity threats and protect the integrity of the 2020 election.
These materials are discoverable because information relating to a āsignificant escalationā of foreign influence in the 2016 election motivated President Trump and his Administration to focus on foreign influence and cyber risks, as reflected in Executive Order 13848, and to be skeptical of claims about the absence of foreign influence in the 2020 election. This evidence rebuts the position of the Special Counselās Office that President Trumpās actions between November 2020 and January 2021 were motivated by a desire to maintain office and undertaken with specific intent and unlawful purpose. See Poindexter, 727 F. Supp. at 1475 (ā[A]bsence of a
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motive would, in turn, refute the claim that he intentionally entered into an agreement. . . . . Evidence regarding the absence of motive is usually admitted to negate specific intent.ā); United States v. Childress, 58 F.3d 693, 707-08 (D.C. Cir. 1995) (ā[P]urposeful intentāor āconscious desireā to achieve a āresultāāis the essence of conspiracy.ā) (quoting United States v. Bailey, 444 U.S. 394, 404 (1980) (cleaned up); United States v. Ali, 870 F. Supp. 2d 10, 21 (D.D.C. 2012) (ā[T]o prove the particular offenses with which [defendant] is charged, an analysis of his purpose is necessary.ā) (cleaned up).
Moreover, whereas the Special Counselās Office falsely alleges that President Trump āerode[d] public faith in the administration of the election,ā the 2016 Election ICA uses strikingly similar language to attribute the origins of that erosion to foreign influenceāthat is, foreign efforts to āundermine public faith in the US democratic process.ā Compare Indictment ¶ 2, with Ex. A at 1; see also id. at 6 (describing āKremlin-directed campaign to undermine faith in the US Government and fuel political protestā). The Office has argued elsewhere that President Trump āhad access to far more information than others in the country,ā including āthe benefit of the full resources of the federal government.ā Doc. 139 at 8-9. The Office may be correct, but it cannot selectively present intelligence information that supports its narrative while suppressing intelligence that underscores President Trumpās good faith. Thus, President Trump is entitled to the detailed information supporting the conclusions in the 2016 Election ICAāincluding āspecific intelligence on key elements of the influence campaign,ā Ex. A at 1āin order to demonstrate to the jury that he did not create or cause the environment that the prosecution seeks to blame him for. For similar reasons, and because President Trump is entitled to evidence demonstrating that his concerns were genuine based on the steps he took in response to the 2016 Election ICA, the prosecution must disclose the additional materials described in the Classified Supplement.
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III. Foreign Influence Efforts Relating To The 2020 Election And January 6
President Trump is also entitled to all information relating to foreign influence efforts targeting the 2020 election, including foreign influence relating to events on January 6, whether or not he was briefed contemporaneously regarding these issues. Doc. 166-1, Ex. B at 4, 8 (Request Nos. 19 & 46(b)).
As with the 2016 Election ICA, efforts by foreign actors to influence public opinion and perceptions is discoverable in light of the prosecutionās allegation that President Trump ācreate[d] an intense national atmosphere of mistrust and anger, and erode[d] public faith in the administration of the [2020] election.ā Indictment ¶ 2; see also id. ¶ 4 (alleging that the charged conspiracies ābuilt on the widespread mistrust the Defendant was creatingā). Moreover, evidence of covert foreign disinformation campaigns relating to the 2020 election supports the defense argument that President Trump and others acted in good faith even if certain reports were ultimately determined to be inaccurate.
Similar to the findings in the 2016 Election ICA, even the unclassified version of the 2020 Election ICA supports these defenses. For example:
⢠Russia had āconducted . . . influence operations aimed at . . . undermining public confidence in the electoral process, and exacerbating sociopolitical divisions in the US.ā
⢠Iran ācarried out a multi-pronged covert influence campaignā in order to, among other objectives, āundermine public confidence in the electoral process and US institutions, and sow division and exacerbate societal tensions in the US.ā
⢠ā[A] range of additional foreign actorsāincluding Lebanese Hizballah, Cuba, and Venezuelaātook some steps to attempt to influence the election.ā
Ex. A at i.
The January 6 Committee also referenced similar intelligence, which the prosecution has
not yet produced, including an āincrease in the number of foreign state and non-state entities that 23
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attempted to influence the U.S. electorate,ā and that ādisinformation campaigns attempting to undermine the U.S. populationās confidence in their government and society.ā January 6 Comm. Report at 807. The January 6 Committee also warned that ā[f]oreign state adversaries of the United States generally disguise their efforts to influence U.S. audiences,ā which supports President Trumpās defense that foreign actors caused and contributed to the circumstances at issue in this case. Id. at 810. These are examples of public summaries of discoverable details of foreign efforts that are favorable to President Trump. The prosecution must collect and produce all such information.