A couple of excellent articles defining what birthright citizenship is under COTUS. It has been abused and has strayed from the original intent. It's time for this abuse or the law to be dealt with.
President Trumpās second term thrusts the question of birthright citizenship to the forefront of American politics: should the United States automatically grant citizenship to any child who happens to be born on US soil? Neither the Declaration of Independence nor the Constitution requires doing such a thing. Yet defenders of birthright shut down any debate by framing opposition as cruel and racist ā and obviously wrong as a legal matter.
But there is a strong constitutional and moral case for limiting birthright citizenship. Itās the argument that led the Trump administration to issue an executive order that defines a new status quo: going forward, children of illegal aliens wonāt receive recognition of their citizenship by the US Department of State or any other executive agency.
unherd.com
Claremont Institute scholars, including me, Ed Erler, Tom West, John Marini, and Michael Anton, President Trumpās incoming Director of Policy Planning at the State Department, have been contending for yearsādecades, reallyāthat the 14th Amendmentās Citizenship Clause does not provide automatic citizenship for everyone born on U.S. soil, no matter the circumstances. Other prominent scholars, such as the late University of Texas law Professor Lino Graglia, University of Pennsylvania Professor Rogers Smith, and Yale Law Professor Emeritus Peter Schuck, have come to the same conclusion based on their own extensive scholarly research.
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Our argument is straightforward. The text of the 14th Amendment contains two requirements for acquiring automatic citizenship by birth: one must be born in the United States and be subject to its jurisdiction. The proper understanding of the Citizenship Clause therefore turns on what the drafters of the amendment, and those who ratified it, meant by āsubject to the jurisdiction thereof.ā Was it merely a partial, temporary jurisdiction, such as applies to anyone (except for diplomats) who are subject to our laws while they are within our borders? Or does it instead apply only to those who are subject to a more complete jurisdiction, one which manifests itself as owing allegiance to the United States and not to any foreign power?
americanmind.org
President Trumpās second term thrusts the question of birthright citizenship to the forefront of American politics: should the United States automatically grant citizenship to any child who happens to be born on US soil? Neither the Declaration of Independence nor the Constitution requires doing such a thing. Yet defenders of birthright shut down any debate by framing opposition as cruel and racist ā and obviously wrong as a legal matter.
But there is a strong constitutional and moral case for limiting birthright citizenship. Itās the argument that led the Trump administration to issue an executive order that defines a new status quo: going forward, children of illegal aliens wonāt receive recognition of their citizenship by the US Department of State or any other executive agency.

The case for ending birthright citizenship

Claremont Institute scholars, including me, Ed Erler, Tom West, John Marini, and Michael Anton, President Trumpās incoming Director of Policy Planning at the State Department, have been contending for yearsādecades, reallyāthat the 14th Amendmentās Citizenship Clause does not provide automatic citizenship for everyone born on U.S. soil, no matter the circumstances. Other prominent scholars, such as the late University of Texas law Professor Lino Graglia, University of Pennsylvania Professor Rogers Smith, and Yale Law Professor Emeritus Peter Schuck, have come to the same conclusion based on their own extensive scholarly research.
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Our argument is straightforward. The text of the 14th Amendment contains two requirements for acquiring automatic citizenship by birth: one must be born in the United States and be subject to its jurisdiction. The proper understanding of the Citizenship Clause therefore turns on what the drafters of the amendment, and those who ratified it, meant by āsubject to the jurisdiction thereof.ā Was it merely a partial, temporary jurisdiction, such as applies to anyone (except for diplomats) who are subject to our laws while they are within our borders? Or does it instead apply only to those who are subject to a more complete jurisdiction, one which manifests itself as owing allegiance to the United States and not to any foreign power?

Birthright Citizenship: Game On!
The Supreme Court will likely have the opportunity to acknowledge that the Claremont Instituteās view of the Citizenship Clause is correct.
