I must concede that I have been wrong on this issue. I did so after looking at each year of revenue collection and level of spending from 1940 to 1980. Over those 41 years, only 8 of them actually saw a surplus. For most years, the country was still running a deficit. This to me strongly suggest that few people were actually paying 70% to 94% at the top federal tax rate.
But the deficits are smaller. Several of the surpluses, years 1951, 1956, 1957, 1960, occurred when the reported top federal rate was above 90%. But still, those surpluses were small.
Someone else posted in here a while back a site that said the "effective top federal tax rate" back then was more like 42% or 43%. That's higher than today, but not by a lot, and not nearly as much as 70% or 94%.
So the question is what is the maximum rate you can tax higher incomes, before you start to see negative economic effects or the flight of capital out the country?
I don't think spending can really be cut, in any significant way. I actually think that the defense budget needs to be increased to adequately meet our national security priorities around the world. I don't think there is anyway to cut Social Security and Medicare, unless you raise the age at which you can receive such benefits.
I still think there is room for some tax increases on the rich. But probably more in the range of 45% to 50% for the top federal tax rate.
The other way of course to solve these financial and funding problems is through some sort of economic miracle where the economy was growing at a steady 5% every year. But the average since the year 2000 as been a rather anemic slightly below 2% rate. The tax cuts for the wealthy under Bush and Trump have not led to any real increase in GDP. Its only made U.S. debt and funding problems more difficult.
Bottom line, I think I was wrong about the 70% top federal tax rate, but I still think there is room to raise the top federal tax rate from where it is now, without hurting the economy. I think a top federal tax rate of between 45% to 50%, could bring in more revenue to help with the country's budget problems without hurting the economy.
Well, I just read a new article by Economist Paul Krugman that has sort of swung by thinking back again towards the 70% rate for the top federal tax rate. I'm not totally convinced though because I still see problems with the old marginal top tax rates of between 70% and 94% because while growth was still good, revenue collection was not all that impressive considering most years still saw a budget deficit from 1945 to 1980.
So I'm not convinced 70% is something that can really be achieved as others have said that there were many deductions when the rates were that high. But I think Krugman is right that we should try to set the top marginal tax rate as high as possible without hurting growth in order to maximize revenue collection.
Here is Krugman's article. I'll highlight in bold the important points:
The Economics of Soaking the Rich
What does Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez know about tax policy? A lot.
By Paul Krugman
I have no idea how well Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez will perform as a member of Congress. But her election is already serving a valuable purpose. You see, the mere thought of having a young, articulate, telegenic nonwhite woman serve is driving many on the right mad — and in their madness they’re inadvertently revealing their true selves.
Some of the revelations are cultural: The hysteria over a video of AOC dancing in college says volumes, not about her, but about the hysterics. But in some ways the more important revelations are intellectual: The right’s denunciation of AOC’s “insane” policy ideas serves as a very good reminder of who is actually insane.
The controversy of the moment involves AOC’s advocacy of a tax rate of 70-80 percent on very high incomes, which is obviously crazy, right? I mean, who thinks that makes sense? Only ignorant people like … um, Peter Diamond, Nobel laureate in economics and arguably the world’s leading expert on public finance. (Although Republicans blocked him from an appointment to the Federal Reserve Board with claims that he was
unqualified. Really.) And it’s a policy nobody has ever implemented, aside from … the United States, for 35 years after World War II — including the most successful period of economic growth in our history.
To be more specific, Diamond, in work with Emmanuel Saez — one of our leading experts on inequality — estimated the optimal top tax rate to be 73 percent. Some put it higher: Christina Romer, top macroeconomist and former head of President Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers, estimates it at more than 80 percent.
Where do these numbers come from? Underlying the Diamond-Saez analysis are two propositions: Diminishing marginal utility and competitive markets.
Diminishing marginal utility is the common-sense notion that an extra dollar is worth a lot less in satisfaction to people with very high incomes than to those with low incomes. Give a family with an annual income of $20,000 an extra $1,000 and it will make a big difference to their lives. Give a guy who makes $1 million an extra thousand and he’ll barely notice it.
What this implies for economic policy is that we shouldn’t care what a policy does to the incomes of the very rich. A policy that makes the rich a bit poorer will affect only a handful of people, and will barely affect their life satisfaction, since they will still be able to buy whatever they want.
So why not tax them at 100 percent? The answer is that this would eliminate any incentive to do whatever it is they do to earn that much money, which would hurt the economy. In other words, tax policy toward the rich should have nothing to do with the interests of the rich, per se, but should only be concerned with how incentive effects change the behavior of the rich, and how this affects the rest of the population.
But here’s where competitive markets come in. In a perfectly competitive economy, with no monopoly power or other distortions — which is the kind of economy conservatives want us to believe we have — everyone gets paid his or her marginal product. That is, if you get paid $1000 an hour, it’s because each extra hour you work adds $1000 worth to the economy’s output.
In that case, however, why do we care how hard the rich work? If a rich man works an extra hour, adding $1000 to the economy, but gets paid $1000 for his efforts, the combined income of everyone else doesn’t change, does it? Ah, but it does — because he pays taxes on that extra $1000. So the social benefit from getting high-income individuals to work a bit harder is the tax revenue generated by that extra effort — and conversely the cost of their working less is the reduction in the taxes they pay.
Or to put it a bit more succinctly, when taxing the rich, all we should care about is how much revenue we raise. The optimal tax rate on people with very high incomes is the rate that raises the maximum possible revenue.
And that’s something we can estimate, given evidence on how responsive the pre-tax income of the wealthy actually is to tax rates. As I said, Diamond and Saez put the optimal rate at 73 percent, Romer at over 80 percent — which is consistent with what AOC said.
An aside: What if we take into account the reality that markets aren’t perfectly competitive, that there’s a lot of monopoly power out there? The answer is that this almost surely makes the case for even higher tax rates, since high-income people presumably get a lot of those monopoly rents.
So AOC, far from showing her craziness, is fully in line with serious economic research. (I hear that she’s been talking to some very good economists.) Her critics, on the other hand, do indeed have crazy policy ideas — and tax policy is at the heart of the crazy.
You see, Republicans almost universally advocate low taxes on the wealthy, based on the claim that tax cuts at the top will have huge beneficial effects on the economy. This claim rests on research by … well, nobody. There isn’t any body of serious work supporting G.O.P. tax ideas, because the evidence is overwhelmingly against those ideas.
What we see is that America used to have very high tax rates on the rich — higher even than those AOC is proposing — and did just fine. Since then tax rates have come way down, and if anything the economy has done less well.
Why do Republicans adhere to a tax theory that has no support from nonpartisan economists and is refuted by all available data? Well, ask who benefits from low taxes on the rich, and it’s obvious.
And because the party’s coffers demand adherence to nonsense economics, the party prefers “economists” who are obvious frauds and can’t even
fake their numbers effectively.
Which brings me back to AOC, and the constant effort to portray her as flaky and ignorant. Well, on the tax issue she’s just saying what good economists say; and she definitely knows more economics than almost everyone in the G.O.P. caucus, not least because she doesn’t “know” things that aren’t true.
Opinion | The Economics of Soaking the Rich
1. Its clear that tax cuts for the rich do not increase growth. Most of the tax cuts since 2000 have been for the rich.
2. Average annual quarterly real GDP growth since the year 2000 has only been about 1.9%.
3. This average rate of growth since the year 2000 is the LOWEST since World War II.
4. Having some of the lowest top federal tax rates on the rich since World War II over the past 18 years has not helped economic growth.
5. The question you should ask about where to set the top federal tax rate, is what top federal tax rate will generate the most revenue.
6. It is possible for the top federal tax rate to be too high, where it starts to hurt growth and there by reduce revenue collection.
7. But the evidence suggest that the current top federal tax rate of 37% or 39% is way too low. I'm not convinced that 70% is the magic number, but I think its a lot higher than 39%. Maybe its 50% to 60%.
8. There have been studies done which show doubling the tax rate on the top 1% could bring in an extra $3 Trillion dollars in revenue per decade. That is an extra $300 Billion dollars EACH YEAR!