BaronVonBigmeat
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- Sep 20, 2005
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Anti-Obamanomics: Why Everyone Should Be in Favor of Reducing Taxes on the "Rich" - George Reisman - Mises Institute
Contrary to popular belief, high taxes are not passed along to consumers in the form of higher prices. Businesses are already charging as much as they can, on average. However, taxes will have a crippling effect on businesses' ability to invest in the future, hire more people, and expand.
Translation: don't eat your seed corn.
Translation: you can't have higher living standards without higher productivity! There is no way around this. The prices of things--manufactured goods at least--should be going down over time, if production output grows faster than the population.
Supply-siders, pay attention. Tax cuts without spending cuts aren't really a cut. Instead of bleeding the economy dry via taxes, the government bleeds the economy dry by soaking up funds that could have been loaned to businesses.
Cliffs Notes: If governments want businesses to remain somewhat competitive, they'll have to avoid taxing them, just like Sweden did. If they refuse to cut spending, like Sweden, they will have to put big taxes on ordinary working people. Which is kind of pointless--taking money from John Q. Public only to turn around and give it right back to him (minus handling fees of course).
No wonder so many people have a distaste for "free" market economics.
George Reisman, Ph.D., is Pepperdine University Professor Emeritus of Economics. His web site is Capitalism: A Treatise on Economics. His blog is at George Reisman's Blog on Economics, Politics, Society, and Culture.
The progressive personal income tax, the corporate income tax, the inheritance tax, and the capital-gains tax are all paid with funds that otherwise would have been saved and invested. All of them reduce the demand for labor by business firms in comparison with what it would otherwise have been, and thus either the wage rates or the volume of employment that business firms can offer. For they deprive business firms of the funds with which to pay wages.
Contrary to popular belief, high taxes are not passed along to consumers in the form of higher prices. Businesses are already charging as much as they can, on average. However, taxes will have a crippling effect on businesses' ability to invest in the future, hire more people, and expand.
In contrast, the view of redistributionists, such as Obama, founded in the most complete and utter ignorance, is that the only wealth from which an individual can benefit is his own. This is a view that was not unreasonable in the ages before the rise of capitalism and its market economy. Until then, the only people who could in fact benefit from a given piece of land or a given barn or plow, or whatever, was the family that owned them and used them to produce for its own consumption. This is the view that the redistributionists continue to hold, centuries after it has lost its applicability. They have not yet awakened to the modern world. And it is on this basis that they support the redistribution of wealth. The redistribution of wealth is allegedly necessary to enable an individual who does not own the wealth presently owned by others to benefit from that wealth. Only as and when their property passes to him can he benefit from it, the redistributors believe. This is the kind of "largesse" Obama intends to practice. It is taking funds from those most prodigious at accumulating capital, capital that would benefit all, and then giving the funds to others to consume. Meeting the needs of the poor with the consumption of capital is Obama's formula for prosperity.
Translation: don't eat your seed corn.
In considering, for example, whether the taxes of businessmen and capitalists as a class should be reduced by some large sum, such as $100 billion, or whether the taxes of wage earners as a class should be reduced by that sum, almost everyone mistakenly assumes that the interest of the individual wage earner lies with the tax reduction going to the wage earners, as though all wage earners shared a common class interest against all capitalists. This, however, is a fallacy, which becomes apparent as soon as one objectively analyses the situation from the perspective of the individual wage earner. Then it becomes clear that much more is involved than the matter of a reduction in the taxes of the rich or an equal reduction in the individual wage earner's own taxes. For example, while it is certainly true that I gain more from my own taxes being cut by $1,000 rather than the taxes of a Henry Ford or a Bill Gates, it is absolutely false to believe that I gain more from the taxes of my random fellow wage earners — call them Henry Smiths and Bill Joneses — being cut by $1,000 each rather than the taxes of Ford and Gates being cut by $1,000 each.
It is obvious that the individual wage earner benefits far more from tax reductions on businessmen and capitalists, the so-called rich, than from equivalent tax reductions on his fellow wage earners, and that this is true of each and every individual wage earner, for any wage earner could take the place of the particular individual we have focused on. A tax reduction on businessmen and capitalists will promote capital accumulation, far, far more than a tax reduction on the mass of the individual wage earner's fellow wage earners. The average businessman and capitalist will save and invest the taxes he no longer has to pay, in far greater proportion than would the average wage earner. He will be induced to introduce more improvements in products and methods of production, which are also a major cause of capital accumulation, and is a process in which wage earners qua wage earners play little or no role. (This is not to say that wage earners are never responsible for innovations. They often are. But as soon as they are, they typically become businessmen. Fundamentally, it is always the prospect of higher profits that stimulates innovations, not the earning of higher wages. It is the prospect of higher profits that leads employers to offer incentives to wage earners to make innovations.) And the greater saving of the businessmen and capitalists will promote innovation by virtue of making the economic system more capital intensive. Thus the individual wage earner has far more to gain from the taxes of businessmen and capitalists being reduced than from the taxes of his fellow wage earners being reduced.
The effect of this combination is continuing capital accumulation and thus a continually rising productivity of labor. The effect of this, in turn, is a continually growing supply of consumers' goods relative to the supply of labor, and thus prices of consumers' goods that are progressively lower relative to the wages of labor, which means progressively rising real wage rates, so that in not too many years the average wage earner is far ahead of where he would have been on the strength of a cut in his own taxes.
Translation: you can't have higher living standards without higher productivity! There is no way around this. The prices of things--manufactured goods at least--should be going down over time, if production output grows faster than the population.
Starting with tax cuts for the so-called rich — based on equivalent reductions in government spending — is the only hope for the resumption of significant economic progress, indeed, for the avoidance of economic retrogression and growing impoverishment. Because of this, it is actually the quickest and surest road to any major reduction in the tax burden of the average wage earner. It holds out the prospect of the average wage earner being able to double his standard of living in a generation or less. The average standard of living would double in a single generation if economic progress at a rate of just 3 percent a year could be achieved. Such economic progress would also mean a halving of the average wage earner's tax burden in the same period of time — if government spending per capita in real terms were held fixed, for then he would have double the real income out of which to pay his present level of taxes. And then, of course, once all the taxes that most stood in the way of capital accumulation and economic progress were eliminated, further reductions in government spending and taxation could and should take place that would be of corresponding direct benefit to wage earners, that is, show up in the reduction of the taxes paid by them.
Ironically, an aspect of this approach exists in, of all places, Sweden! What has enabled Sweden to have one of the world's highest burdens of taxation and, at the same time, to remain a modern country, more or less advancing, is the fact that the tax burden in Sweden falls far more heavily on the average Swedish wage earner than it does on Swedish business, whose tax burden is actually less than that of business in many other Western countries. (For example, when allowance is made for the fact that Swedish companies can automatically deduct 50 percent of their profits as a tax-free reserve for future investment, the effective corporate income tax rate in Sweden turns out to be below that in the United States: 26 percent versus 35 percent.) If Swedish business had had to bear the burden of taxation borne by Swedish wage earners, the Swedish economy would long since have been in ruins.
Several times, I've referred to tax reductions on the rich being accompanied by equivalent reductions in government spending. It should be clear that reducing taxes without reducing government spending cannot promote saving and capital formation, but must undermine them further, even if the funds no longer claimed by taxes are overwhelmingly saved. For in this case, the government must substitute a dollar of borrowing for a dollar of tax revenues. Each dollar borrowed by the government is a dollar less of savings available for the rest of the economic system.
Tax cuts to promote saving and capital formation which are financed by deficit increases are thus simply contrary to purpose. The fact that they are contrary to purpose remains if, instead of being financed by borrowing, the resulting deficits are financed by the more rapid creation of money. In this case, all of the destructive effects inflation has on capital formation come into play.
Supply-siders, pay attention. Tax cuts without spending cuts aren't really a cut. Instead of bleeding the economy dry via taxes, the government bleeds the economy dry by soaking up funds that could have been loaned to businesses.
The only way that these advocates of balanced budgets through tax increases could proceed consistently with the goal of capital formation would be by increasing the taxes of the very people they claim to be concerned about, namely, the poor and the mass of wage and salary earners, who save relatively little. Indeed, the only way that greater saving and capital formation is possible in the absence of decreases in government spending, is by means not only of increasing such taxes to the point of balancing the budget, but also increasing them still further, to compensate for decreases in the kind of taxes that land more heavily on saving and productive expenditure. In essence, if one advocates greater saving and capital formation and yet refuses to support reductions in government spending, one is logically obliged to advocate increasing the taxes of wage and salary earners and of the "poor" in order both to balance the budget and to compensate for reductions in taxes on profits and interest and on the "rich."
But there is absolutely no reason to advocate such a downright fascistic policy. (As I've shown, just such a policy has been pursued in Sweden, the model country of today's "liberals.") Instead of sacrificing anyone to anyone, the simple, obvious solution is sharply to reduce the sacrificing that is already going on — namely, sharply to reduce and ultimately altogether eliminate pressure-group plundering and the government spending that finances it at the sacrifice of everyone. (The ultimate, truly progressive long-range goal would be the elimination of virtually all government spending other than for defense against common criminals and foreign, aggressor governments. The first is the police function of state and local governments; the second is the national defense function of the federal government.)
Cliffs Notes: If governments want businesses to remain somewhat competitive, they'll have to avoid taxing them, just like Sweden did. If they refuse to cut spending, like Sweden, they will have to put big taxes on ordinary working people. Which is kind of pointless--taking money from John Q. Public only to turn around and give it right back to him (minus handling fees of course).
This analysis makes clear that an essential flaw of so-called supply-side economics — the policy both of the Reagan administration and of the present Bush administration — was the failure to face up to the need to reduce government spending. While the policy of reducing taxes by both administrations was perfectly correct, most of the potential benefit of the tax cuts was lost through the corresponding enlargement of federal budget deficits. Regrettably, both administrations and their supporters lacked the courage required to abolish government spending programs to make those tax cuts possible without deficits.
Their failure to have done so explains why the great mass of the American people have not benefitted from the tax cuts as they should have. The explanation is that, absent equivalent reductions in government spending, the tax cuts did not translate into increases in capital formation, but the opposite. Instead of there being more demand by business for labor and capital goods, there was less; instead of more rapid economic progress and rising real wages, there has been economic stagnation or outright decline, along with stagnant or falling real wages.
Finally, it must be mentioned that the Fed's inflation and credit expansion have also been responsible for a vast, artificial increase in economic inequality since the mid 1990s, just as they were during the 1920s. This economic inequality was built not on inequality of economic contribution, as is normally the case, but merely on new and additional money. This new and additional money created by the Fed and its client banking system, poured into the stock market and then the housing market. In the process, it created vast paper capital gains in terms of stock and housing prices — the same paper gains that brought about overconsumption. In the case of the stock market, the paper gains went overwhelmingly to the wealthy; they had the largest investments in stock and were more likely to be in a position to know how to take advantage of the rising market. At the same time, the artificially low interest rates caused by the infusions of new and additional money encouraged an artificial lengthening of what "Austrian" economists call the structure of production. Such artificial lengthenings create a corresponding artificial increase in the magnitude of profits in the economic system.
No wonder so many people have a distaste for "free" market economics.
George Reisman, Ph.D., is Pepperdine University Professor Emeritus of Economics. His web site is Capitalism: A Treatise on Economics. His blog is at George Reisman's Blog on Economics, Politics, Society, and Culture.
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