This source has an intetesting analysis of the current situation and essentially says that a two state solution is dead…which has been the case really, for a while and was openly stated by Netanyahu’s government. It also points out that Israel DID offer meaningful concessions in it’s withdrawal from Gaza, so I’m unfair in my comments on that.
This does not mean that a more meaningful effort to negotiate more meaningful and practical peace efforts is not worth trying. What it does mean is that it may be far more important to try to create
immediate steps to create a more stable “no-state” solution.
One such option is to put international pressure on the Israeli government to
halt the expansion of settlements and ease restrictions on the civil life of some estimates indicate around 1.9 million Palestinians in Israel proper and more than two million in the West Bank. Another is to exert pressure on Israel to
limit its postwar economic isolation of Gaza’s two million residents while recognizing that Israel does have very real new internal security needs. It seems equally important to ensure that the present arrangements for Jordan’s role in support of the Al Aqsa Mosque continue, along with the restrictions on Israeli religious ceremonies on the Temple Mount.
At the same time,
it will be critical to minimize any “blame games” by the U.S. and international community that hold either Israel or all the Palestinians to blame for the current crisis. U.S. and international community need to focus on steps that will limit the impact of Hamas’s invasion and Israel’s war in Gaza and this aftermath.
The key near-term approach to such an effort to ease the risks of a “no-state solution” may be international efforts
to offer major new postwar aid and opportunities to the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on a conditional basis. Offering such aid to the Palestinians,
supported by active efforts to ensure human rights in ways that did not cripple Israel’s internal security programs, would at least offer a tangible way to move toward a more stable peace.
The present levels of poverty and unemployment in Gaza have made popular support of Hamas and violence all too serious, and Israel’s future wartime and postwar security efforts will almost certainly make this situation far worse. The same may be true to a lesser extent of the war’s impact on Israeli and Palestinian actions in the West Bank. Once again,
the gap between Israel and West Bank incomes and employment opportunities is a key source of its tensions and violence.
At the same time, such international aid must be conditional on Palestinian non-violence, on ensuring that it is independent of Israeli political and security interests, and on providing
effective outside international management and planning that ensures such aid is used honestly and effectively.
Such efforts clearly will not shape a lasting peace but can have a quick practical and political impact. They deal with the most urgent practical concerns of most Palestinians without affecting the security and income of Israel’s Jewish citizens. In a world where the “no-state” solution seems to be the only practical near-term outcome of the present war for at least several years in the future, aid at least is a potential step forward and a way of bringing a more productive pause in the fighting.