I see it as another check that states, the state parties, and the people have over the dangerous federal government. Keep the practice.
Why the North Carolina redistricting ruling could end gerrymandering as we know it - CNNPolitics
Republican gerrymandering accounts for 16 or 17 GOP seats in the current Congress that the party may not otherwise control.
But now, that gerrymandering greed of Republicans is coming back to haunt them.
The Pennsylvania Supreme Court in January struck down the congressional map state Republicans drew, saying it was so partisan that it violated the state constitution. That same month, a panel of three federal judges struck down North Carolina’s congressional map. In October, the U.S. Supreme Court heard argument in a Wisconsin case may set a standard for defining unconstitutional gerrymandering on partisan grounds.
The reckoning Republicans are seeing now is one that could have been avoided, lawyers and redistricting experts say, had the GOP not been so ruthless.
Both Democrats and Republicans have gerrymandered in the past to their advantage, but Republicans took it to a new level in 2011.
there was as much as three times more partisan bias in congressional maps this decade than in ones drawn in 2000. a “dramatic number” of the worst gerrymanders of the last half-century have occurred since 2010
Until the courts began stepping in, Republican gerrymandering paid off. From 2012 to 2016, the GOP won 13 of Pennsylvania’s 18 congressional seats, even though the party’s candidates only got around half of the vote. In Ohio, the party consistently won 12 of 16 congressional seats, but 50 percent of the statewide vote. In Wisconsin, they won at least
60 of 99 state assembly seats, with about half of the popular vote.
So we are not being represented.
the clear egregiousness of the Republican redistricting made it easier to show something was amiss. It would have been harder to make a case, he said, if Republicans had only been winning slim majorities.
Republicans could have been cautious. They could have drawn maps that benefitted their party, but at the same time were fairer, compact and contiguous. The Constitution gives state lawmakers the broad responsibility of drawing electoral districts, and the GOP maps would have stood up better against judicial scrutiny had lawmakers offered public justification in their legislatures for the boundaries
lawmakers drew a map that gave Republicans a 10-3 advantage because he didn’t see a way to draw
one that was 11-2. In Wisconsin, GOP lawmakers sought to avoid scrutiny by hiring a law firm to draw the maps, hoping the work would be hidden by attorney-client privilege.
Without a public explanation for the redrawn boundaries, it’s easier for those challenging the maps to claim Republicans intended to dilute Democratic votes.
Even if the Supreme Court does decide Republicans went too far with gerrymandering, its anticipated ruling in the spring would likely come too late to affect this year’s congressional elections, and wouldn’t have an impact on maps until at least 2020. Even if Republicans lose the ability to gerrymander in the future, their ruthlessness will have helped them for nearly an entire decade.