I disagree. A racist policy can have a greater deleterious effect than a discriminatory policy intended to correct a previous wrong, IMO. With the racist policy, not only is there the harm caused by whatever the policy does, there is the damage to the psyches of those affected, who are being told that their government and the society they live in considers them to be lesser human beings.
While that may be a danger with the discriminatory policy intended to correct the effects of the racist policies (a person might feel they are being told they are less because they need a leg up), I think it is less of a danger than with the racist policies.
Even if you consider it relatively unimportant, is there any particular reason you oppose different terminology?
There are no discriminatory policies intended to correct a previous wrong. The lie is what whites need to get out of their system. Whites were getting 100 percent of all the chances, so if there is a policy that says others besides whites can the same chance it does not discriminate against whites. Now if you think whites are entitled to 100 percent of everything, then you say these policies discriminate. There is no one getting a leg up because of equal opportunity policy. That is another lie whites have made up. These beliefs are racist and they need to end.
I assume you are published? Is this representative of your work?
Don't have to be published to know the facts. If you think hat policies made 50 years ago is anti white discrimination , what I the hell do you call he policies before that? Equality?
Every measurable metric in America proves that there is no anti white discrimination. In the minds of SOME, any favorable outcome for non white citizens is the equivalent of being at the expense of masses of white citizens.
"This perception is fascinating, as it stands in stark contrast to data on almost any outcome that has been assessed. From life expectancy to
school discipline to mortgage rejection to police use of force, outcomes for white Americans tend to be — in the aggregate — better than outcomes for black Americans, often substantially so. (While a disturbing
uptick in the mortality rate among middle-aged whites has received a great deal of recent media attention, it is worth noting that even after this increase, the rate remains considerably lower than that of blacks.)
Reports on our research have occasionally prompted bizarre emails and phone calls of thanks from individuals grateful for our shining a light on anti-white bias — messages that we have always been surprised to receive, given the actual nature of our data. (A sample message: “The purpose of my email is to acknowledge the facts surrounding your recent findings. I am in agreement with the research because i personally have experienced racism and bigotry toward myself as a white person and i have been a target of racism and bigotry myself.”) Our findings do not indicate a verifiable surge in anti-whiteness in recent years or identify a new victimization of white Americans. Rather, our research reveals a heightened
perception among whites that they are increasingly the primary victims of bias in America — a perception that statistics say is wrong.
But in the years since our study, whites’ identification with victim status — a view of themselves as the most persecuted group — has become even more apparent. Look at the reports about white nationalist groups that
support the presidential run of Donald Trump, a candidate who has pledged to “make America great again” — presumably a reference to earlier eras when white Americans believe they were not yet targets of discrimination. This perceived victimhood may also undergird the bristling response of those who counter Black Lives Matter protests against police brutality by asserting vocally that “
all lives matter,” as though acknowledgment of the travails of one segment of society necessarily leaves less sympathy for the others.
Our research also suggests that among whites, there’s a lingering view that the American Dream is a “fixed pie,” such that the advancement of one group of citizens must come at the expense of all the other groups. Whites told us they see things as a zero-sum game: Any improvements for black Americans, they believe, are likely to come at a direct cost to whites. Black respondents in our surveys, meanwhile, report believing that outcomes for blacks can improve without affecting outcomes for white Americans.
Such discrepancies are not new. A decade ago, psychologist Richard Eibach and colleagues
demonstratedthat one source of divergent perceptions of racial progress is that black and white Americans tend to focus on different reference points. Black Americans typically see less progress toward racial equality because they compare the present day with an ideal, yet unrealized society. White Americans perceive more progress because they compare the present with the past.
What is the basis for the persistence of beliefs about anti-white bias? For some whites, the changing — and increasingly less white — demographics of the United States may feel existentially threatening. Indeed,
research points to people’s pervasive fear that they will end up on the bottom of the status pile — a fear called “last place aversion.” That may further increase opposition to the gains of other groups: If “they” are moving up in the world, “we” must be moving down. Such fears might be particularly pronounced for a group, like white Americans, that has always been at the top of the racial hierarchy and therefore has the furthest to fall.
Black and white Americans may agree that race relations are approaching a new nadir, but this is just about the only race-related issue on which they see eye to eye. Major fault lines run through that apparent common ground. In calls to end anti-black racism, some see an effort to allow everyone to pursue the American Dream. But others see a threat and a reason to resist."
White people think racism is getting worse. Against white people.