are you suggesting that Burkah babes are EASY?
Women Are Mammals, Yet 'Not Human'
- Thread starter dani67
- Start date
are you suggesting that Burkah babes are EASY?
ChrisL
Diamond Member
Well, isn't that what you would want people to believe? Spread that hatred and ignorance.
Roudy
Diamond Member
- Mar 16, 2012
- 60,759
- 18,666
- 2,250
Iranians like to party. And the women in the region that Dani lives are known to be "easy". Many Muslims I know that went back to Iran for visit didn't get laid until they got to "shomal" aka the north where Dani lives. Iranians have jokes about the easiness of the women there.
- Thread starter
- #284
Areh to khabet. Ha ha ha. Eenjah ham eengadar kos asoon neest.Did both girls and boys attend same class? Hatman deed meezadi.
you dont like nap?
+ it is funny.
yeki az tafrihaye ma in bood ke moalem haye dini ro kos gir miavordim.soal haye jensi sexy miporsidim
na , madrese joda hast . vali daneshgha ghatiye.
che dorani bood daneshjooyi.har hafte yek kos boland mikardam.
bebin .man famil to europe daram.vaghti be ina migam iran intoriye .migam emkan nadare.
bebin man too har tabestoon hafteyi 5 6 bar kos mikonam.aksaran ham mokhtalaf.
share ma touristi hast.tourist ha mian bedan va dar berand.
pesarayi shomali maroofand vase dokhtara
makhsoosan mashhadiya. masalan share mazhabi irane.hameshoon az dam kosand.yani kharje sex bahashoon yek gheyloon chayi ham nist.hade ahgal vase yek tehrani bayad yek shami chizi bekhari.yek gheyloon bedi behesh bekeshand.vali mashhadiha easy hastand.
I did not suggest it-----DANI DID. In fact---Burkah babes are NOT easy-----sheesh you are dim
- Thread starter
- #286
Areh to khabet. Ha ha ha. Eenjah ham eengadar kos asoon neest.Did both girls and boys attend same class? Hatman deed meezadi.
you dont like nap?
+ it is funny.
yeki az tafrihaye ma in bood ke moalem haye dini ro kos gir miavordim.soal haye jensi sexy miporsidim
na , madrese joda hast . vali daneshgha ghatiye.
che dorani bood daneshjooyi.har hafte yek kos boland mikardam.
bebin .man famil to europe daram.vaghti be ina migam iran intoriye .migam emkan nadare.
bebin man too har tabestoon hafteyi 5 6 bar kos mikonam.aksaran ham mokhtalaf.
share ma touristi hast.tourist ha mian bedan va dar berand.
pesarayi shomali maroofand vase dokhtara
makhsoosan mashhadiya. masalan share mazhabi irane.hameshoon az dam kosand.yani kharje sex bahashoon yek gheyloon chayi ham nist.hade ahgal vase yek tehrani bayad yek shami chizi bekhari.yek gheyloon bedi behesh bekeshand.vali mashhadiha easy hastand.
roudy----translate
ChrisL
Diamond Member
Iran’s ‘Generation Normal’ - FT.com
On a trip to Tehran this month, I met dozens of young people who grew up in Iran and want to be like everyone else around the world — to have a secure job, control over their own destiny and the freedom to dream. There was Hamid, the bazaar trader of accessories who wants to save enough money to “buy” his way out of military service so he can have a passport and follow his favourite singer on tour. On a street corner one early morning, I came across two young men from Lorestan, the western province, who sleep in the parks and wait for construction jobs so they can pay for books and continue their psychology courses at an open university. At a coffee shop, a 22-year-old told me he wants to be a football player and play for AC Milan.
©Kaveh Kazemi
Young Iranians outside a coffee shop near Tehran University
“It’s difficult to explain some aspects of what’s going on with youth, because it’s a new phenomenon in Iran. The youth are different from 10 years ago,” says Hamid-Reza Jalaipour, a professor of sociology at Tehran University. “There is a big diversity: there is religious youth, there is ideological youth, modern youth and postmodern youth who live as if they were in California. Money is important to them, much more than 20 years ago. Individualism is high. They don’t live according to what their parents want; they do what they want. Even the women make decisions on their own.”
Jalaipour relates an event that startled sociologists and confounded Iran’s ruling elite. “Six months ago, a popular Iranian singer died and 100,000 young people gathered at his funeral. But they didn’t follow traditional custom, where men and women have to be segregated. They came together, boys and girls, and held hands.” There hadn’t been such a large gathering since the mass 2009 street protests that ended in bloodshed; nor was there ever such a big public display of anti-traditional culture. For Jalaipour, the funeral suggested a “silent movement” among youth which was defined by a style of life rather than politics, and whose ramifications will not be felt immediately but perhaps in a decade. “The hardliners [in the regime] were very confused.”
Girl power
Iran’s young women have been a driving force of social change. Empowered by education, which is arguably the most important achievement of the Islamic revolution, they have slowly wrested freedoms from their leaders. The number of university-educated women used to lag far behind that of men but it has caught up, leaping from 4.7 per cent in 1997 to 18.4 per cent in 2012. More educated women are delaying marriage and those who do tie the knot are opting increasingly for divorce. Much to the consternation of the Islamic government, the rate of divorce has been steadily rising, up more than 5 per cent in the past Iranian year that ended in March. The marriage rate, meanwhile, fell 6.5 per cent. The combination of education and economic hardship is also leading to smaller families. Women want fewer children, with average family size slipping to 3.4 now from 4 in 2007. It’s even lower, at 3.2, in the capital Tehran.
On a trip to Tehran this month, I met dozens of young people who grew up in Iran and want to be like everyone else around the world — to have a secure job, control over their own destiny and the freedom to dream. There was Hamid, the bazaar trader of accessories who wants to save enough money to “buy” his way out of military service so he can have a passport and follow his favourite singer on tour. On a street corner one early morning, I came across two young men from Lorestan, the western province, who sleep in the parks and wait for construction jobs so they can pay for books and continue their psychology courses at an open university. At a coffee shop, a 22-year-old told me he wants to be a football player and play for AC Milan.
Young Iranians outside a coffee shop near Tehran University
“It’s difficult to explain some aspects of what’s going on with youth, because it’s a new phenomenon in Iran. The youth are different from 10 years ago,” says Hamid-Reza Jalaipour, a professor of sociology at Tehran University. “There is a big diversity: there is religious youth, there is ideological youth, modern youth and postmodern youth who live as if they were in California. Money is important to them, much more than 20 years ago. Individualism is high. They don’t live according to what their parents want; they do what they want. Even the women make decisions on their own.”
Jalaipour relates an event that startled sociologists and confounded Iran’s ruling elite. “Six months ago, a popular Iranian singer died and 100,000 young people gathered at his funeral. But they didn’t follow traditional custom, where men and women have to be segregated. They came together, boys and girls, and held hands.” There hadn’t been such a large gathering since the mass 2009 street protests that ended in bloodshed; nor was there ever such a big public display of anti-traditional culture. For Jalaipour, the funeral suggested a “silent movement” among youth which was defined by a style of life rather than politics, and whose ramifications will not be felt immediately but perhaps in a decade. “The hardliners [in the regime] were very confused.”
Girl power
Iran’s young women have been a driving force of social change. Empowered by education, which is arguably the most important achievement of the Islamic revolution, they have slowly wrested freedoms from their leaders. The number of university-educated women used to lag far behind that of men but it has caught up, leaping from 4.7 per cent in 1997 to 18.4 per cent in 2012. More educated women are delaying marriage and those who do tie the knot are opting increasingly for divorce. Much to the consternation of the Islamic government, the rate of divorce has been steadily rising, up more than 5 per cent in the past Iranian year that ended in March. The marriage rate, meanwhile, fell 6.5 per cent. The combination of education and economic hardship is also leading to smaller families. Women want fewer children, with average family size slipping to 3.4 now from 4 in 2007. It’s even lower, at 3.2, in the capital Tehran.
ChrisL
Diamond Member
Iranian youth have played a leading part in the country’s modern drama, from the 1979 revolution (it was students who took over the American embassy) to the spasms of protests that have rocked the Islamic Republic since. However hard the regime tried to tame them, through cultural revolutions at schools and universities and repeated purges, they have proved extraordinarily resistant — and resilient. The student unrest that started in 1999 at Tehran University against repression represented the first big domestic shock to the Islamic system. Equally threatening, however, has been the consistent political involvement of youth in bringing more moderate, reformist leaders to the presidency. They were instrumental in rallying behind Mohammad Khatami, the reformist cleric, who was elected president in 1997 and served for two terms. He remains young Iranians’ favourite politician. In 2009, many youth joined the reformist Green movement, which fought in vain against the alleged rigging of a presidential election. Despite the brutal repression that year, the youth did not give up. On June 14 2013, they came out in droves to vote for the moderate Hassan Rouhani, knowing that their voice might once again be ignored but determined to show the regime that they remained relevant.
©Getty
Former presidents Mohammad Khatami (left), still young Iranians’ favourite politician, and Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad, a hardliner
Afra, a 30-year-old civil engineering graduate, was one of those who cast her vote. I meet her with a group of her friends on Revolution Street, around the corner from Tehran University. Afra lost her job at a development company when international sanctions made it difficult for companies to finance projects. She now works for a research company. Life is “mind-boggling”, she tells me. “Look at the internet — there’s a ban on Twitter and Facebook and we have to use proxy software to access them. But while we feel the ban, the highest-ranking officials have access to them,” she explains, referring to both the president and the supreme leader who are hyperactive on social media. “There’s a kind of deal, a policy, by which they [the regime] know everything is happening in the country but everything is done secretly. It’s not normal.” Frustration, however, is not a reason for apathy, she says. “Rouhani’s election was a step forward and it was a victory for the youth who forced the regime to accept him as president.”
I ask Afra and her friends how they envision Iran changing. Step-by-step reform, they say, not upheaval. One revolution for Iran, they tell me, is enough. “The Islamic revolution made us less developed and we’re afraid another one will take us even further backwards,” says Hamid, a 25-year-old finishing graduate studies in engineering. “Look at the Arab revolutions,” he continues, referring to Syria, Egypt, Libya.
Mahnaz Mohammadi, documentary film-maker
‘We know revolution takes you nowhere. Only reform takes us forward’
Iranians young and old are also under no illusion about the heavy price of defying the regime: 100 demonstrators were killed in the 2009 unrest and thousands were imprisoned. Mahnaz Mohammadi, a 39-year-old documentary film-maker who took part in the protests and did a stint in jail last year on charges of conspiring against the state, says her friends, even those still behind bars, believe in reforming the Islamic Republic. “In 2009, we gained a voice. Before that, most people outside thought the Iranian people and the government were the same. Now everyone differentiates and that’s important for our dignity. But we’re not looking for revolution — we know revolution takes you nowhere. Only reform takes us forward.” Remember, she tells me, most Iranians’ priority is economic wellbeing. Political freedom is the concern of a minority.
Despite the rupture between Iran’s youth and the regime, there are links with society that the political elite has been adept at exploiting, whether through a vast patronage network, the religious institutions that cater to the poor or the largely state-owned economy. One of the main gripes you hear in Tehran is that jobs require connections — and the closer you or your family are to the top echelons of the regime, the more likely you will land a good job after university. Narges Barahoui, the activist and researcher from Baluchistan, says that “invisible links” are not to be underestimated. “People demand jobs from the government. They prefer them to private sector jobs because they’re safer, more prestigious and with higher salaries. There are also cultural links, especially in the provinces, where Iranians are more religious and have better relations with the state. And every time a new government comes in, they hire new people, and that creates new links.”
Former presidents Mohammad Khatami (left), still young Iranians’ favourite politician, and Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad, a hardliner
Afra, a 30-year-old civil engineering graduate, was one of those who cast her vote. I meet her with a group of her friends on Revolution Street, around the corner from Tehran University. Afra lost her job at a development company when international sanctions made it difficult for companies to finance projects. She now works for a research company. Life is “mind-boggling”, she tells me. “Look at the internet — there’s a ban on Twitter and Facebook and we have to use proxy software to access them. But while we feel the ban, the highest-ranking officials have access to them,” she explains, referring to both the president and the supreme leader who are hyperactive on social media. “There’s a kind of deal, a policy, by which they [the regime] know everything is happening in the country but everything is done secretly. It’s not normal.” Frustration, however, is not a reason for apathy, she says. “Rouhani’s election was a step forward and it was a victory for the youth who forced the regime to accept him as president.”
I ask Afra and her friends how they envision Iran changing. Step-by-step reform, they say, not upheaval. One revolution for Iran, they tell me, is enough. “The Islamic revolution made us less developed and we’re afraid another one will take us even further backwards,” says Hamid, a 25-year-old finishing graduate studies in engineering. “Look at the Arab revolutions,” he continues, referring to Syria, Egypt, Libya.
Mahnaz Mohammadi, documentary film-maker
‘We know revolution takes you nowhere. Only reform takes us forward’
Iranians young and old are also under no illusion about the heavy price of defying the regime: 100 demonstrators were killed in the 2009 unrest and thousands were imprisoned. Mahnaz Mohammadi, a 39-year-old documentary film-maker who took part in the protests and did a stint in jail last year on charges of conspiring against the state, says her friends, even those still behind bars, believe in reforming the Islamic Republic. “In 2009, we gained a voice. Before that, most people outside thought the Iranian people and the government were the same. Now everyone differentiates and that’s important for our dignity. But we’re not looking for revolution — we know revolution takes you nowhere. Only reform takes us forward.” Remember, she tells me, most Iranians’ priority is economic wellbeing. Political freedom is the concern of a minority.
Despite the rupture between Iran’s youth and the regime, there are links with society that the political elite has been adept at exploiting, whether through a vast patronage network, the religious institutions that cater to the poor or the largely state-owned economy. One of the main gripes you hear in Tehran is that jobs require connections — and the closer you or your family are to the top echelons of the regime, the more likely you will land a good job after university. Narges Barahoui, the activist and researcher from Baluchistan, says that “invisible links” are not to be underestimated. “People demand jobs from the government. They prefer them to private sector jobs because they’re safer, more prestigious and with higher salaries. There are also cultural links, especially in the provinces, where Iranians are more religious and have better relations with the state. And every time a new government comes in, they hire new people, and that creates new links.”
Roudy
Diamond Member
- Mar 16, 2012
- 60,759
- 18,666
- 2,250
Areh to khabet. Ha ha ha. Eenjah ham eengadar kos asoon neest.Did both girls and boys attend same class? Hatman deed meezadi.you dont like nap?
+ it is funny.
yeki az tafrihaye ma in bood ke moalem haye dini ro kos gir miavordim.soal haye jensi sexy miporsidim
na , madrese joda hast . vali daneshgha ghatiye.
che dorani bood daneshjooyi.har hafte yek kos boland mikardam.
bebin .man famil to europe daram.vaghti be ina migam iran intoriye .migam emkan nadare.
bebin man too har tabestoon hafteyi 5 6 bar kos mikonam.aksaran ham mokhtalaf.
share ma touristi hast.tourist ha mian bedan va dar berand.
pesarayi shomali maroofand vase dokhtara
makhsoosan mashhadiya. masalan share mazhabi irane.hameshoon az dam kosand.yani kharje sex bahashoon yek gheyloon chayi ham nist.hade ahgal vase yek tehrani bayad yek shami chizi bekhari.yek gheyloon bedi behesh bekeshand.vali mashhadiha easy hastand.
roudy----translate
He's a healthy Iranian male with pussy on his mind 24/7. I was exactly like that when I was his age. LOL. It doesn't take long for the topic to evolve into pussy once you become informal with an Iranian. Also, you need a partner or two, if you're going "pussy hunting".
ChrisL
Diamond Member
As any normal 20-something-year-old man. Lol. Anyways, I have to go try to take a nap because I have to work tonight. 
you are preaching to the choir------I have four "healthy" brothers
Roudy
Diamond Member
- Mar 16, 2012
- 60,759
- 18,666
- 2,250
Actually it was the Americans, Europeans, and especially the British that removed the shah and brought the ayatollahs. As with everything in the Middle East, it was about the oil. Even though the Shah originally was a western puppet, he had stopped cooperating.
I do not believe you-------I DO agree that CARTER helped the KHOMEINI TOILET and screwed the SHAH----but carter is (was) an ABERRATION
Roudy
Diamond Member
- Mar 16, 2012
- 60,759
- 18,666
- 2,250
The shah was a wise man, but a Western puppet who had turned on his masters and was trying to raise the price of oil during harsh economic times in Europe. When I was in Iran BBC radio would broadcast in shortwave to the protesters and direct them when and where to gather. The shah was a patriot who refused to slaughter his own people like Syria's Assad is doing today, and left. Listen to this interview and observe his wisdom and his correct predictions, and why the West plotted to remove him.
- Thread starter
- #299
also he was mazandarani ( my province)
is that good or bad? the Iranians I encountered since the mid-sixties LOVED
HIM-----both jews and muslims-------"OUR SHAH"
New Topics
-
-
Long Covid has surpassed asthma as the most common chronic illness among US children- Started by MarcATL
- Replies: 1
-
Trump Is Headed to War With the Federalist Society—and It’s Gonna Be Huge.
- Started by 0311
- Replies: 1
-
Tumwater Washington girls track and field team stand up for girl's sports!- Started by DigitalDrifter
- Replies: 0
-
Teen Molested by Illegal Alien Who Biden Admin Sent Her to Live With, Police Say- Started by Dont Taz Me Bro
- Replies: 0
