JohnL.Burke
Gold Member
And of course those of the radical right are just as insulated from the worst consequences of their intolerance, hatred, racism, political correctness, reactionaryism, and fascist/Nazi social theories.
When no longer insulated from those worst consequences, how many would be instant converts to modern day American liberalism?
Actually, fascist/Nazi social theories were pretty liberal so your rebuttal doesn't make much sense.
Fascist/Nazi social theories were the antithesis of liberalism. As a matter of fact, liberal bashing in Europe in the 1920's was the precursor to fascism.
The Hard Road to Fascism
Today’s antiliberal revolt looks a lot like 1920s Europe.
Traditional conservatives have persistently criticized modern liberalism for its alleged “softness.” After the First World War right-wing German and Italian critics abused the governments of Weimar Germany and pre-Mussolini Italy for their commitment to social welfare, which their critics linked to an unwillingness to use force in international relations. To use Robert Kagan’s expression, the Weimar Republic could only do the dishes, not prepare the feast.
German and Italian critics of liberalism—writers such as Ernst Jünger and Giovanni Gentile—longed for the military spirit that allegedly typified the “front-fighter” generation that had lived through the horrors of trench warfare during World War I. The experience of war, they said, could redeem the anti-national Weimar Republic and the spineless decadence of Italian liberalism by reintroducing them to the necessity of using force—which would mean a much more ready resort to military power and a reorientation of government to promote its use. Both men and nations could thereby reestablish their virility.
Extreme right-wing theoreticians—for example, German jurist and political philosopher Carl Schmitt—believed that the European states in general had to choose between defending the interests of their national communities—at the end of the day by force—and sustaining a debilitating commitment to popular welfare, which more and more absorbed the energies of a weak-kneed liberalism that precariously clung to power in many European states. Schmitt believed that the state existed exclusively to oppose the enemies of the national community and ensure domestic order. Politics, he famously said, is founded on the friend-enemy polarity. Liberals had embarked on a fruitless crusade to escape inevitable political conflict within their societies by expanding the welfare function of the modern state to appease the demands of the masses, and thereby weakening its “executive function.”
The proximate causes of this revulsion against liberalism in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere are not far to seek. And the underlying anti-liberal logic was more cultural than political-economic. After defeat in World War I neither Germany nor Italy was able to advance its interests effectively in Europe. The Italians were widely regarded as pathetic soldiers. “The Italians,” Bismarck said, “have such large appetites and such poor teeth.” Giovanni Gentile, subsequently a Fascist minister for Mussolini, lamented the dolce far niente (“sweet do nothing”that he found characterized the Italians as a nation. As for the Germans, they had of course lost the war, but they were encouraged to believe that their armies and fighting men had not been defeated on the battlefield but had been betrayed by an unpatriotic cabal of Jews, Francophiles, liberals, and socialists.
So for these men and like-minded others, there was a necessary connection between reviving militarism and imperialism and curtailing the state’s commitment to popular welfare. Only a new political elite—battle-hardened, ruthless, and devoted to authoritarian government—could achieve the reforms needed to restore these states to the ranks of the European powerful. The new governments would not be parliamentary: talk shops never get anything done. In Italy the Fascist elite developed an imperial ideology focusing on Rome; in Germany, too, there was an imperial element—the “Thousand Year Empire”—although we correctly understand the racism of the National Socialists to have been their most memorable contribution to the horrors of the 20th century.
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The word "nazi" of course is an abbreviation for "national socialist" referring to the NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY (nazi). Mussolini, of course, was a self professed socialist. He started the Fascist Party. Mussolini's economic policy was socialist just as Hitler's was. It's hard to think of a modern dictatorship that wasn't socialist. Even Mugabe in Africa has a socialist economic agenda. After all, if you run the economy then what doesn't the government own? Socialism and conservatism are diametrically opposed to each other. Conservatives don't hate big government because they don't want to help the poor. Conservatives want less government because the poor become poorer when the government gets larger. The middle class also gets poorer. It gets harder to strive towards a better existence when the government needs more of your money so it may incur more power (more bureaucrats, more IRS agents, more laws... i.e. police state). Conservatism is about teaching a man to fish as opposed to the government giving him a fish by apprehending the neighbors fish. Keep in mind though, 90 percent of this metaphorical neighbors fish goes to the government. Conservatives don't think apprehending more money can always cure a problem. Our failed school system is one example. Our ghettos and trailer parks are another example. It may seem that I wandered a bit but since I was here I thought I might as well respond to your posts 179 and 180 at the same time. They kind of dovetail into each other anyway.
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