They were socialists, moron. You just admitted it.
Sorry, but the Fascists were anti-socialists.
Hitler did not start the National Socialists, Ernst Roehm did.
And he was an extreme right wing veteran.
{...
Ernst Röhm was born in
Munich,
...
Although the family had no military tradition, Röhm entered the
Royal Bavarian 10th Infantry Regiment Prinz Ludwig at
Ingolstadt as a cadet on 23 July 1906 and was commissioned on 12 March 1908.
[2][3] At the outbreak of
World War I in August 1914, he was adjutant of the 1st Battalion, 10th Infantry Regiment König. The following month, he was seriously wounded in the face at Chanot Wood in
Lorraine and carried the scars for the rest of his life.
[4] He was promoted to first lieutenant (
Oberleutnant) in April 1915.
[5] During an attack on the fortification at Thiaumont,
Verdun, on 23 June 1916, he sustained a serious chest wound and spent the remainder of the war in France and
Romania as a staff officer.
[6] He was awarded the
Iron Cross First Class before being wounded at Verdun, and was promoted to captain (
Hauptmann) in April 1917.
[7][8] Among his comrades, Röhm was considered a "fanatical, simple-minded swashbuckler" who frequently displayed contempt for danger.
[9]...
Following the
Armistice of 11 November 1918 that ended the war, Röhm continued his military career as a captain in the
Reichswehr.
[9] He was one of the senior members in
Colonel von Epp's
Bayerisches Freikorps für den Grenzschutz Ost ("Bavarian Free Corps for Border Patrol East"), formed in
Ohrdruf in April 1919, which finally overturned the
Munich Soviet Republic by force of arms on 3 May 1919. In 1919 he joined the
German Workers' Party (DAP), which the following year became the
National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP).
[11] Not long afterward he met Adolf Hitler, and they became political allies and close friends.
[12] Röhm resigned or retired from the
Reichswehr on 26 September 1923.
[11] Throughout the early 1920s, Röhm remained an important intermediary between Germany's right-wing paramilitary organizations and the
Reichswehr.
[13] Additionally, it was Röhm who persuaded his former army commander, Colonel von Epp, to join the Nazis, an important development since Epp helped raise the sixty-thousand marks needed to purchase the Nazi periodical, the
Völkischer Beobachter.
[14]
When the Nazi Party held its "German Day" celebration at Nuremberg during early September 1923, it was Röhm who helped bring together some 100,000 participants drawn from right-wing militant groups, veteran's associations, and other paramilitary formations—which included the
Bund Oberland,
Reichskriegsflagge, the SA, and the
Kampfbund
...
In April 1924, Röhm became a
Reichstag deputy for the
völkisch (racial-national)
National Socialist Freedom Party.
[26] He made only one speech, urging the release of Lieutenant Colonel Kriebel. The seats won by his party were much reduced in the December 1924 election, and his name was too far down the list to return him to the
Reichstag. While Hitler was in prison, Röhm helped to create the
Frontbann as a legal alternative to the then-outlawed
Sturmabteilung (SA). Hitler did not fully support the ambitious plans that Röhm had for this organization, which proved problematic. Hitler was distrustful of these paramilitary organizations because competing groups like the
Bund Wiking, the
Bund Bayern und Reich, and the
Blücherbund were all vying for membership and he realized from the failed putsch that these groups could not be legitimized so long as the police and
Reichwehr stayed loyal to the government.
[26] When in April 1925 Hitler and Ludendorff disapproved of the proposals under which Röhm was prepared to integrate the 30,000-strong
Frontbann into the SA, Röhm resigned from all political groups and military brigades on 1 May 1925. He felt great contempt for the "legalistic" path the party leaders wanted to follow and sought seclusion from public life.
[11] In 1928, he accepted a post in
Bolivia as adviser to the
Bolivian Army, where he was given the rank of lieutenant colonel. In the autumn of 1930, Röhm received a telephone call from Hitler requesting his return to Germany.
[11]
Sturmabteilung leader
Röhm and the SA regarded themselves as the
vanguard of the "National Socialist revolution". After Hitler's national takeover they expected radical changes in Germany, including power and rewards for themselves, unaware that, as Chancellor, Hitler no longer needed their street-fighting capabilities.
[37] Nevertheless, Hitler did name Röhm to the cabinet as a
minister without portfolio.
[38] Also, on 2 June 1933 Hitler named Röhm a
Reichsleiter, the second highest political rank in the Nazi Party.
[39]
Röhm and the SA regarded themselves as the
vanguard of the "National Socialist revolution". After Hitler's national takeover they expected radical changes in Germany, including power and rewards for themselves, unaware that, as Chancellor, Hitler no longer needed their street-fighting capabilities.
[37] Nevertheless, Hitler did name Röhm to the cabinet as a
minister without portfolio.
[38] Also, on 2 June 1933 Hitler named Röhm a
Reichsleiter, the second highest political rank in the Nazi Party.
[39]
Along with other members of the more radical faction within the Nazi Party, Röhm advocated a "second revolution" that was overtly anti-capitalist in its general disposition.
[40] These radicals rejected exploitative capitalism and they intended to take steps to curb monopolies and promoted the nationalization of land and industry.
[40] Such plans were threatening to the business community in general, and to Hitler's corporate financial backers in particular—including many German industrial leaders he would rely upon for arms production. In order to keep from alienating them, Hitler swiftly reassured his powerful industrial allies that there would be no such revolution as espoused by these Party radicals.
[41]
Many SA "storm troopers" had working-class origins and longed for a radical transformation of German society.
[42] They were disappointed by the new regime's lack of socialistic direction and its failure to provide the lavish patronage they had expected.
[43] Furthermore, Röhm and his SA colleagues thought of their force as the core of the future German Army, and saw themselves as replacing the
Reichswehr and its established professional officer corps.
[44] By then, the SA had swollen to over three million men, dwarfing the
Reichswehr, which was limited to 100,000 men by the
Treaty of Versailles. Although Röhm had been a member of the officer corps, he viewed them as "old fogies" who lacked "revolutionary spirit". He believed that the
Reichswehr should be merged into the SA to form a true "people's army" under his command, a pronouncement that caused significant consternation within the army's hierarchy and convinced them that the SA was a serious threat.
[45] At a February 1934 cabinet meeting, Röhm then demanded that the merger be made, under his leadership as
Minister of Defence.
[46]
This horrified the army, with its traditions going back to
Frederick the Great. The army officer corps viewed the SA as an "undisciplined mob" of "brawling" street thugs, and was also concerned by the pervasiveness of "corrupt morals" within the ranks of the SA. Reports of a huge cache of weapons in the hands of SA members caused additional concern to the army leadership.
[46] Unsurprisingly, the officer corps opposed Röhm's proposal. They insisted that discipline and honor would vanish if the SA gained control, but Röhm and the SA would settle for nothing less. In addition the army leadership was eager to co-operate with Hitler given his plan of re-armament and expansion of the established professional military forces.
[44]
In February 1934, Hitler told British diplomat
Anthony Eden of his plan to reduce the SA by two-thirds. That same month, Hitler announced that the SA would be left with only a few minor military functions. Röhm responded with complaints, and began expanding the armed elements of the SA. Speculation that the SA was planning a coup against Hitler became widespread in Berlin. In March, Röhm offered a compromise in which "only" a few thousand SA leaders would be taken into the army, but the army promptly rejected that idea.
[47]
On 11 April 1934, Hitler met with German military leaders on the ship
Deutschland. By that time, he knew President
Paul von Hindenburg would likely die before the end of the year. Hitler informed the army hierarchy of Hindenburg's declining health and proposed that the
Reichswehr support him as Hindenburg's successor. In exchange, he offered to reduce the SA, suppress Röhm's ambitions, and guarantee the
Reichswehr would be Germany's only military force. According to war correspondent
William L. Shirer, Hitler also promised to expand the army and navy.
[48]
Although determined to curb the power of the SA, Hitler put off doing away with his long-time ally. A political struggle within the party grew, with those closest to Hitler, including
Prussian premier
Hermann Göring,
Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels, and
Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler, positioning themselves against Röhm. To isolate Röhm, on 20 April 1934, Göring transferred control of the Prussian political police (
Gestapo) to Himmler, who he believed could be counted on to move against Röhm.
[49]
...
In preparation for the purge known as the
Night of the Long Knives, both Himmler and
Reinhard Heydrich, chief of the SS Security Service, assembled a dossier of manufactured evidence to suggest that Röhm had been paid 12 million
Reichsmarks (equivalent to €52 million 2017) by the government of France to overthrow Hitler. Leading officers in the SS were shown falsified evidence on 24 June that Röhm planned to use the SA to launch a plot against the government (
Röhm-Putsch).
[52] At Hitler's direction, Göring, Himmler, Heydrich, and Victor Lutze drew up lists of people in and outside the SA to be killed. One of the men Göring recruited to assist him was
Willi Lehmann, a Gestapo official and
NKVD spy. On 25 June, General
Werner von Fritsch placed the
Reichswehr on the highest level of alert.
[53] On 27 June, Hitler moved to secure the army's cooperation.
[54] Blomberg and General
Walther von Reichenau, the army's liaison to the party, gave it to him by expelling Röhm from the German Officers' League.
[55] On 28 June, Hitler went to
Essen to attend a wedding celebration and reception; from there he called Röhm's adjutant at
Bad Wiessee and ordered SA leaders to meet with him on 30 June at 11:00 a.m.
[51] On 29 June, a signed article in
Völkischer Beobachter by Blomberg appeared in which Blomberg stated with great fervour that the
Reichswehr stood behind Hitler.
[56]
On 30 June 1934, Hitler and a large group of SS and regular police flew to
Munich and arrived between 06:00 and 07:00 at Hanselbauer Hotel in Bad Wiessee, where Röhm and his followers were staying.
[57] With Hitler's early arrival, the SA leadership, still in bed, were taken by surprise. SS men stormed the hotel and Hitler personally placed Röhm and other high-ranking SA leaders under arrest. According to
Erich Kempka, Hitler turned Röhm over to "two detectives holding pistols with the safety catch off". The SS found
Breslau SA leader
Edmund Heines in bed with an unidentified eighteen-year-old male SA senior troop leader.
[58] Goebbels emphasised this aspect in subsequent propaganda, justifying the purge as a crackdown on
moral turpitude.
[59] Kempka said in a 1946 interview that Hitler ordered both Heines and his partner taken outside of the hotel and shot.
[60] Meanwhile, the SS arrested the other SA leaders as they left their train for the planned meeting with Röhm and Hitler.
[61]
...}
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