The Judiciary Act of 1789 didn't anticipate a prez like trump.

The Founders and early legislators did everything they could to deter this from happening, but they couldn't account for changes in culture and human nature. Nor could they account for the rise of a fully self-contained and separate informational universe.

Uncharted waters now. The Founders, as brilliant as their work was, did not have a provision for this, nor could they.
Mac1958 thinks having Iranian Regime collaborators like Obama and Biden for President was a good thing.
 
Yes. This is the shit attitude that's killings us. Thanks for the example.
Coming from the side that calls us “Nazis” and “fascists” all the time, don’t really give a **** what you think about our attitude.

Your side supports abortion, homosexuality, transgenderism, human trafficking, and endless wars. It’s your actions that are killing us.
 
That's their level. And they vote. And here we are.
Well, Oddball claims he doesn't vote. And I'm inclined to believe him. But his continual defense of Trump doesn't make sense. Maybe it's just a personality thing. I dunno.
 

In so many ways, our system was not designed to deal with the autocratic impulses of a prez.

The Government does not ask for complete stays of the injunctions, as it ordinarily does before this Court. Why? The answer is obvious: To get such relief, the Government would have to show that the Order is likely constitutional, an impossible task in light of the Constitution’s text, history, this Court’s precedents, federal law, and Executive Branch practice. So the Government instead tries its hand at a different game. It asks this Court to hold that, no matter how illegal a law or policy, courts can never simply tell the Executive to stop enforcing it against anyone.
https://www.lawfaremedia.org/articl...t-partial-stay-in-birthright-citizenship-case

As is the case in many instances where the founding documents come in to play, like the Judiciary Act of 1789, the men of the era who wrote them did not contemplate a future petty tyrant issuing a blatantly unconstitutional order.

The thing about the Roberts court is in previous rulings it has gone beyond the scope of the case before it to put its radically conservative, ideological stamp on the matter at hand. Naturally, in this case they did not rule on the constitutionality of Dotard's EO since it has no hope of surviving scrutiny on those grounds.

The Supreme Court’s birthright citizenship reasoning reveals a startlingly myopic view​

Despite the fact that the question before them was limited to whether federal trial court judges can issue injunctions that apply nationwide, the justices seemed incapable of distinguishing between that question and the underlying issue of birthright citizenship. In fact, that difficulty demonstrates the fallacy behind trying to limit or do away with nationwide injunctions because the underlying issue is always inextricably interwoven with whether an injunction is needed.

Today’s 6-3 decision fails to resolve this conundrum. Rather, it only further highlights the problems raised at oral argument — with the conservative majority focusing only on the authority of lower courts to issue nationwide injunctions, while the liberal minority dissents accuse the majority of turning a blind-eye to the potentially blatant illegality of Trump’s executive order.

In a coldly beautiful piece of legal writing, Justice Amy Coney Barrett manages to capture the votes of all of the conservative justices with a deep dive into the history of the 1789 Judiciary Act. She concludes that in 1789, there was no contemplation of nationwide injunctions and, thus, using them likely exceeds the authority of the federal courts.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s dissent — joined by Justice Elana Kagan, accuses the majority of enabling legal “gamesmanship” by the Trump administration that makes it so that “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates.” In a separate, even more blistering dissent, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson argues that the majority gives the executive branch “permission to engage in unlawful behavior.”

would you be okay with a single teacher setting policy for all schools in a district?
 
Sides, sides, sides. Party loyalty is for chickenshits.
 
Well, Oddball claims he doesn't vote. And I'm inclined to believe him. But his continual defense of Trump doesn't make sense. Maybe it's just a personality thing. I dunno.
I mentioned in another threat that I recently stumbled into a theory about that. It explains the psychological attachment, and it's called "Identity Fusion". Pretty interesting: Identity Fusion
 
Sides, sides, sides. Party loyalty is for chickenshits.
kMyY42e.jpg
 

In so many ways, our system was not designed to deal with the autocratic impulses of a prez.

The Government does not ask for complete stays of the injunctions, as it ordinarily does before this Court. Why? The answer is obvious: To get such relief, the Government would have to show that the Order is likely constitutional, an impossible task in light of the Constitution’s text, history, this Court’s precedents, federal law, and Executive Branch practice. So the Government instead tries its hand at a different game. It asks this Court to hold that, no matter how illegal a law or policy, courts can never simply tell the Executive to stop enforcing it against anyone.
https://www.lawfaremedia.org/articl...t-partial-stay-in-birthright-citizenship-case

As is the case in many instances where the founding documents come in to play, like the Judiciary Act of 1789, the men of the era who wrote them did not contemplate a future petty tyrant issuing a blatantly unconstitutional order.

The thing about the Roberts court is in previous rulings it has gone beyond the scope of the case before it to put its radically conservative, ideological stamp on the matter at hand. Naturally, in this case they did not rule on the constitutionality of Dotard's EO since it has no hope of surviving scrutiny on those grounds.

The Supreme Court’s birthright citizenship reasoning reveals a startlingly myopic view​

Despite the fact that the question before them was limited to whether federal trial court judges can issue injunctions that apply nationwide, the justices seemed incapable of distinguishing between that question and the underlying issue of birthright citizenship. In fact, that difficulty demonstrates the fallacy behind trying to limit or do away with nationwide injunctions because the underlying issue is always inextricably interwoven with whether an injunction is needed.

Today’s 6-3 decision fails to resolve this conundrum. Rather, it only further highlights the problems raised at oral argument — with the conservative majority focusing only on the authority of lower courts to issue nationwide injunctions, while the liberal minority dissents accuse the majority of turning a blind-eye to the potentially blatant illegality of Trump’s executive order.

In a coldly beautiful piece of legal writing, Justice Amy Coney Barrett manages to capture the votes of all of the conservative justices with a deep dive into the history of the 1789 Judiciary Act. She concludes that in 1789, there was no contemplation of nationwide injunctions and, thus, using them likely exceeds the authority of the federal courts.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s dissent — joined by Justice Elana Kagan, accuses the majority of enabling legal “gamesmanship” by the Trump administration that makes it so that “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates.” In a separate, even more blistering dissent, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson argues that the majority gives the executive branch “permission to engage in unlawful behavior.”

Biden, Obama, Bush, Clinton, FDR and other Presidents signed EO’s that were blatantly unconstitutional, not just Trump. The Biden’s loan forgiveness obsession was definitely unconstitutional and Biden tried like hell to game it.

Two parties, plenty of hypocrisy to go around.
 
The Founders and early legislators did everything they could to deter this from happening, but they couldn't account for changes in culture and human nature. Nor could they account for the rise of a fully self-contained and separate informational universe.

Uncharted waters now. The Founders, as brilliant as their work was, did not have a provision for this, nor could they.
They warned. They warned of a fiat currency and had fights with each other over it. They warned of tangling overseas agreements. I say to you. Cut the checks and benefits sent put to people in half for an economic disaster, and we all will change our views. Our system is no schmoozed by this. The constitution was freedom. We of course have legitimate complaints on how we are treated or treat each other.
 
berg80

Blah blah blah bullshit.

Birthright citizenship was a concession to the shameful construct of black slavery and applied only to those indigenous peoples who had been oppressed thusly. It was never meant for anything else.

There's no deep meaning behind any of this shit.

The law has been abused and extended to illegal aliens on behalf of politically concentric interests. Nothing more than that. Abusing it in that manner destroys the rights of all legal citizens. There's nothing mysterious about any of this. The left was caught red-handed perverting a constitutional component and turning it against the country It was supposed to benefit.

Game over.... And oh what a surprise that three liberal puppet judges are trying to serve their political masters instead of the Constitution. Who gives a flying ****?
 
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Didn’t the Colonists steal and use cannons?
The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston was a PRIVATE militia artillery unit founded in the mid 1600's.

Americas 1st artillery unit belonged to private individuals.
 

In so many ways, our system was not designed to deal with the autocratic impulses of a prez.

The Government does not ask for complete stays of the injunctions, as it ordinarily does before this Court. Why? The answer is obvious: To get such relief, the Government would have to show that the Order is likely constitutional, an impossible task in light of the Constitution’s text, history, this Court’s precedents, federal law, and Executive Branch practice. So the Government instead tries its hand at a different game. It asks this Court to hold that, no matter how illegal a law or policy, courts can never simply tell the Executive to stop enforcing it against anyone.
https://www.lawfaremedia.org/articl...t-partial-stay-in-birthright-citizenship-case

As is the case in many instances where the founding documents come in to play, like the Judiciary Act of 1789, the men of the era who wrote them did not contemplate a future petty tyrant issuing a blatantly unconstitutional order.

The thing about the Roberts court is in previous rulings it has gone beyond the scope of the case before it to put its radically conservative, ideological stamp on the matter at hand. Naturally, in this case they did not rule on the constitutionality of Dotard's EO since it has no hope of surviving scrutiny on those grounds.

The Supreme Court’s birthright citizenship reasoning reveals a startlingly myopic view​

Despite the fact that the question before them was limited to whether federal trial court judges can issue injunctions that apply nationwide, the justices seemed incapable of distinguishing between that question and the underlying issue of birthright citizenship. In fact, that difficulty demonstrates the fallacy behind trying to limit or do away with nationwide injunctions because the underlying issue is always inextricably interwoven with whether an injunction is needed.

Today’s 6-3 decision fails to resolve this conundrum. Rather, it only further highlights the problems raised at oral argument — with the conservative majority focusing only on the authority of lower courts to issue nationwide injunctions, while the liberal minority dissents accuse the majority of turning a blind-eye to the potentially blatant illegality of Trump’s executive order.

In a coldly beautiful piece of legal writing, Justice Amy Coney Barrett manages to capture the votes of all of the conservative justices with a deep dive into the history of the 1789 Judiciary Act. She concludes that in 1789, there was no contemplation of nationwide injunctions and, thus, using them likely exceeds the authority of the federal courts.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s dissent — joined by Justice Elana Kagan, accuses the majority of enabling legal “gamesmanship” by the Trump administration that makes it so that “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates.” In a separate, even more blistering dissent, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson argues that the majority gives the executive branch “permission to engage in unlawful behavior.”

Sure they did. WHat they didn't anticipate is a single District Court Judge in Podunk issuing a nationwide injunction and exercising dominion over the President
 
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