Nice try but that isn't what I said and you know it. You are the ones who have chosen to use the term "military matters" to describe matters of government just like you both have chosen to use the term "political matters" to describe others as if they are separated one from another. The reality is that in respect to foreign relations the Congress has sole power in some instances such as declaring and making war and shares other powers with the President such as appointing people to offices of the United States. I am the one who is pointing out that U.S. policy is not a military matter anymore than it is a political matter instead it is a matter of government and the military doesn't determine U.S. policy and General Petraeus doesn't get to decide what U.S. policy. His duty is to report the facts to Congress and to the President and by extension to the American people so that an informed decision can be made based on those facts.
First, I think I will read more than the Constitution including what those who wrote and opposed it said at the time. The term regulate was used to describe the ability of Congress to determine the number of troops, and to direct their activities. The Constitutions gives Congress the power to call up the Militia or what we refer to as the National Guard. They have complete control over the Militia in this respect and can order troops to be deployed. The President has no constitutional authority to order any member of the National Guard to duty in time of war. He doesn't have the power to "regulate" the army and navy of the United States. His power is one of direction when they are in the "actual service of the United States."
For example, Alexander Hamilton, "A stranger to our politics who was to read our newspapers at the present juncture, without having previously inspected the plan reported by the Convention, would be naturally led to one of two conclusions -- either that it contained a positive injunction, that standing armies should be kept in time of peace, or that it vested in the EXECUTIVE the whole power of levying troops, without subjecting his discretion in any shape to the controul of the legislature. If he came afterwards to peruse the plan itself, he would be suprised to discover that neither the one nor the other was the case -- that the whole power of raising armies was lodged in the legislature, not in the executive; that this legislature was to be a popular body consisting of the representatives of the people periodically elected -- and that instead of the provisions he had supposed in favour of standing armies, there was to be found, in respect to this object, an important qualification even of the legislative discretion, in that clause which forbids the appropriation of money for the support of an army for any longer period than two years: a precaution which, upon a nearer view of it, will appear to be a great and real security against the keeping up of troops with evident necessity." Here Hamilton is speaking of the "whole power of raising armies was lodged in the legislature, not in the executive." What does this tell us when you take this into context with his comment about the "power of levying troops." We understand what the term levying means. When we do we can clearly see that he is telling us the President does not have the power to levy troops and that Congress has this power of raising troops.
Quoting Hamilton again, "Secondly; the President is to be Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States. In this respect his authority would be nominally the same with that of the King of Great-Britain, but in substance much inferior to it. It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first General and Admiral of the confederacy; while that of the British King extends to the declaring of war and to raising and regulating of fleets and armies; all which by the Constitution under consideration would appertain to the Legislature....The one would have a right to command the military and naval forces of the nation; the other, in addition to this right, possesses that of DECLARING war, and of RAISING and REGULATING fleets and armies by his own authority." Here he goes deeper into what he is talking about. He is describing the role of the Commander in Chief in commanding the troops. He is saying that the President does not have the power of DECLARING war, RAISING armies or REGULATING fleets and armies. Note the use of the word REGULATE here because it is important to note its meaning of the general direction of the land and naval forces.
Madison, states, "those who are to conduct a war cannot in the nature of things, be proper or safe judges, whether a war ought to be commenced, continued, or concluded. They are barred from the latter functions by a great principle in free government, analogous to that which separates the sword from the purse, or the power of executing from the power of enacting laws." Simply stated, Bush and the military do not decide whether to go to war, continue the war or to conclude the war. That power rests with Congress. Contrary to what you may think the power of "making war" is a Congressional power and not an Executive power. The President doesn't determine the # of troops (especially those who are a part of the National Guard) involved in a war instead that power is possessed by Congress. He doesn't get to call up troops and then to act in a de facto manner. His role has NEVER been to RAISE troops which is what the surge is. He is now arguing he has the power to call up troops and to order them to Iraq which is the exact opposite of what the drafters of the Constitution intended.
Second, I do not support the Constitution and believe it is a tyrannical document and that whatever saving grace it has is largely limited to the Bill of Rights. That being said, I really don't care what you think of my motives because I know your motives when you vote is to impose your choice of who gets a vote on the laws upon everyone else and to deny those who do not vote for the same person as you do an equal vote on all matters before our government. That being the case your credibility is null as is that of those who continue to suggest that Congress has no power over the conduct of the war when in fact they have the power to "govern and regulate the land and naval forces" and anyone with even a basic grasp of the English language understands that this was not intended to be redundant and the two words "govern" and "regulate" have different meanings. When you take their meaning at the time you begin to realize that the King of England had both the power to "govern" the army and to "regulate" the army. Simply stated, he had the power to direct their actions without recourse to Congress which was rejected by those who wrote the Constitution but even beyond that those who opposed it opposed it because it didn't go far enough in this respect and I concur with them (i.e., they proposed an amendment requiring that 2/3rds of the Congress be required to declare war). The reason being that the burden of a war upon a people is so great that the people must decide to enter that war, continue that war and conclude it through their members of Congress. That being said, I believe you are a liar and that you deliberately twist and interpret the Constitution to suit your own sinister and evil motives and purposes as does those who support a unitary executive.