- Moderator
- #1
What? How is this relevant?
The institutions that govern democracy, as in a representative form of government, are largely dependent on popularly accepted but unwritten rules of behavior And convention. I did not realize until the Trump presidency, how they might be under attack by a populist leader.
This is a really good historica comparison (not like the shallow Hitler comparisons). The reason I think it is good is it stresses the inherent fragility of a system so dependent on a willingness to abide by commonly accepted norms and rules.
I would love if folks would actually read the article...it is worth it, even if you don’t agree.
It concludes with:
The institutions that govern democracy, as in a representative form of government, are largely dependent on popularly accepted but unwritten rules of behavior And convention. I did not realize until the Trump presidency, how they might be under attack by a populist leader.
This is a really good historica comparison (not like the shallow Hitler comparisons). The reason I think it is good is it stresses the inherent fragility of a system so dependent on a willingness to abide by commonly accepted norms and rules.
I would love if folks would actually read the article...it is worth it, even if you don’t agree.
America Is Eerily Retracing Rome’s Steps to a Fall. Will It Turn Around Before It’s Too Late?
Two thousand years ago, the famous Republic had a chance to reject a dangerous populist. It failed, and the rest is history.
www.politico.com
These parallels come with a warning for the United States today: Two thousand years ago, many establishment Romans misunderstood the damage that Caesar was doing to the state’s political culture and institutions, and a nervously asserted sense of complacency continued in certain circles. History’s most famous orator, Cicero, decried this complacency—the belief that the damage of “one bad consul” could always be undone. In Rome, that was far from the case: Caesar left office legitimized, emboldened and—even in his absence—an ever-present force in the political landscape of Republican Rome. When he departed for the provinces, the rot of authoritarian populism had already set in. Rome fell almost immediately into civic violence as new leaders of the Caesarean ideology emerged, jostling for power. Even Cicero, whose political philosophy was constructed on the idea of consensus within the state, began to speak of society “divided in two.” By failing to curtail Caesar, and failing to address the deep social and structural inequalities driving ordinary supporters into his arms, the establishment ensured that the tribal rhetoric espoused by Caesar at the contio translated into a destructive and pervasive authoritarian ideology.
With violence now a legitimate form of political expression, when Caesar returned to Rome, it was at the head of an army. The environment of strongman politics he helped to create left civil war and violence as the only effective means of political change—and ultimately sealed his own fate. After he had himself appointed “Dictator for Life,” there was no longer a legitimate political avenue by which to remove him: The result, famously, was a bloody tyrannicide in the Senate house itself. But even with his death, transformation of Rome’s political culture into the rule of the strong could not be reversed, as new contenders emerged for yet another round of brutal civil wars that finally extinguished the Republic once and for all.