Well Joe, sorry to disappoint you but I am not a Christian. I also haven't advocated for spooge to have human rights. For the Hat Trick, I am also not a Republican. Honestly, I don't keep up with what happens to bills that are pulled, I imagine there are reasons other than everyone having the epiphany that killing babies is perfectly okay.
Yeah, there was an epiphany. The fact that women will run these assholes out on a rail in 2016 if they didn't shut the **** up.
So... again, you admit this issue is
all about politics as opposed to what's right and wrong. It's really the only weapon in your arsenal when you think about it. Oh, I could launch into you really good on your silly notion that most republican-voting women disagree with the pro-life platform of their party... but I think the point is made that you view this issue as being all about politics and that is a poignant testament on your part.
I sometimes wonder about the delusional nature of the left, where they somehow get the impression that the vast majority of America believes as they do and their opposition is a small insignificant number of people who mean nothing. Are you guys telling yourselves this to try and build self confidence, or what? Because the facts are pretty clear, we're fairly evenly divided as a nation on the pro-choice/pro-life issue of abortion. That said, we do not all hold the same monolithic extremist view on either side, we are all individuals with individual opinions which vary.
You see... I am Pro-Life, all things being equal. I am not opposed to Pro-choice, I support women and their rights to chose and make informed choices as well. I'm not a fundamentalist who thinks it's my duty to impose God's will on society, I am pragmatic enough to realize civil society best functions when we all agree on common boundaries of decent behavior and acceptable practice. None of us would condone allowing open masturbation in public places because it's disgusting and we don't want to see that behavior in public, it doesn't mean we're religious nuts.
Human life begins at the point of conception. I don't know when (or if) God bestows a soul on human life, or when "personhood" begins. I believe these can only be based on opinions and no one really knows for certain. What we know is, it's human life from point of conception. All philosophy aside, this is what science confirms and we have to accept. From there, we can engage in an intelligent debate over when it is ethical to terminate human life, and I have no problem with that debate. However, if Life and Choice are equal, I favor Life over Choice.
So you say, well Boss, how would they not be equal? And I would say, if the choice was taken away by the act of rape, that would be an example where Choice and Life are not equal. The Life exists, but there was no Choice. In that case, I think the Choice deserves preservation over the Life. Okay, what if the Life prevails over Choice but threatens another Life in the process? Choice again should prevail. So as you can see, I am not a rigid Pro-lifer by any means.
Society will eventually work this out, I have no doubt in my mind about that. Roe v. Wade will go down in history just like Dred Scott and Plessy v Ferguson, and all other SCOTUS rulings which have denied human rights to human lives.
The left didn't make the abortion issue
all about politics, the right did. When the ruling on Roe v. Wade came down, the group with the highest percentage of support were Republicans.
The position of the right on abortion was driven
BY politics, not morality, ethics or the concern for the unborn. Conservatives show no concern for the crawling or the walking, why would anyone believe they care about an egg or embryo.
In a 7-2 decision by a conservative leaning Supreme Court, Roe v. Wade really was about abortion, nothing more or less. To read the
actual opinion, as almost no one ever does, is to understand that the seven middle-aged to elderly men in the majority certainly didn’t think they were making a statement about women’s rights: women and their voices are nearly absent from the opinion.
It’s a case about the rights of doctors – fellow professionals, after all – who faced criminal prosecution in states across the country for acting in what they considered to be the best interests of their patients. In
“Before Roe v. Wade: Voices That Shaped the Abortion Debate Before the Supreme Court’s Ruling,” a book collecting pre-Roe documents that Reva B. Siegel and I published, we reprint an account by Dr. Jane E. Hodgson, a Mayo Clinic-trained obstetrician/gynecologist, of her arrest in St. Paul in 1970 for performing a first-trimester abortion for a patient who had contracted German measles in the fourth week of pregnancy. (In those days before immunization eradicated the threat posed to pregnant women by German measles, the disease commonly caused serious birth defects.) Justice Harry A. Blackmun, formerly the Mayo Clinic’s lawyer, knew Dr. Hodgson’s story; I had found her account, published in the clinic’s alumni magazine, in the justice’s files at the Library of Congress.
In decriminalizing abortion, the justices were reflecting a rapid sea change in public opinion that moved over the course of a decade from the elites of the public health and legal professions to ordinary people who viewed the issue as one of policy rather than, as many later would, personal identity.
A Gallup poll in the summer of 1972 found 64 percent of Americans agreeing with the statement that “The decision to have an abortion should be made solely by a woman and her physician.” A majority of all identified groups, including Catholics, agreed with that statement. There was almost no difference between men and women. The group expressing the strongest agreement – 68 percent – was made up of Republicans. George Gallup’s syndicated column discussing the poll results, “Abortion Seen Up to Woman, Doctor,” which we reprint in the book, was also in Justice Blackmun’s files.
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All of PC's ridicule of Liberals and progressives applies to Republicans before the Evangelical right politicized abortion when the IRS sought to revoke the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University in 1975 because the school's regulations forbade interracial dating; African Americans, in fact, had been denied admission altogether until 1971, and it took another four years before unmarried African Americans were allowed to enroll.
Paul M. Weyrich, a longtime conservative activist, saw the evangelical discontent over the Bob Jones case as the opening he was looking for to start a new conservative movement using evangelicals as foot soldiers.
During the meeting in Washington, D.C., Weyrich went on to characterize the leaders of the Religious Right as reluctant to take up the abortion cause even close to a decade after the
Roe ruling. "I had discussions with all the leading lights of the movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s, post–
Roe v. Wade," he said, "and they were all arguing that that decision was one more reason why Christians had to isolate themselves from the rest of the world."
"What caused the movement to surface," Weyrich reiterated,"was the federal government's moves against Christian schools." The IRS threat against segregated schools, he said, "enraged the Christian community." That, not abortion, according to Weyrich, was what galvanized politically conservative evangelicals into the Religious Right and goaded them into action. "It was not the other things," he said.
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