This from a former federal prosecutor.
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Before turning to the Trump indictment, let me provide you a real world example that I was just involved in over the past few months.
In the Oath Keepers indictment charging Stewart Rhodes and others with “seditious conspiracy,” the allegations of that indictment made repeated references to a “Rhodes Plan” to attack the Capitol building on January 6.
But over the course of two trials, spanning nearly 4 months and involving the testimony of more than 60 witnesses, not a single witness testified that they knew about, heard about, or that there even existed a “Rhodes Plan” to attack the Capitol.
In closing arguments the Government prosecutors had to resort to arguing that the existence of a “Rhodes Plan” could be “inferred” by the actions of the defendants. They argued that the “Rhodes Plan” that they so explicitly described and referred to over and over again in the indictment could have been “implicit” — nothing that was ever mentioned or actually discussed by any of the defendants.
But the narrative in the press and public consciousness created by the language of the indictment drafted by the DOJ prosecutors took hold as “fact” notwithstanding that the only place such a “fact” existed was in the minds of the prosecutors while sitting at their computers and typing in the words.
Additionally, the indictment referred over and over to an “QRF” — a “quick reaction force” — staged in Arlington, Virginia, armed and standing by in case they were needed to come into D.C. to assist in attacking and/or holding the Capitol to prevent the Congressional certification of the 2020 election.
But “QRF” is a military term. Every witness with a military background that testified about a “QRF” defined it a force standing-by to assist another military unit that encounters unexpected trouble and is in need of being rescued from a difficult or precarious situation.
In military terminology, the repeated references and descriptions by the prosecutors of the QRF was inaccurate, and not what the ex-military members of the Oath Keepers were discussing. What the prosecutors were calling a “QRF” would have been called an “Assault Team” in the military. If the Oath Keepers were staging an armed group in Virginia to join in the attack and/or to hold the Capitol, they would have called it an “assault team” and not a “QRF.”
But that didn’t matter when the indictment was written and filed by DOJ. Accuracy took a backseat to the Government’s narrative claim that an armed group of men were waiting in Virginia to cross the Potomac and use force to attack the Capitol building on January 6. This was reported in the media as a “fact” because the prosecutors said it was a “fact” in the allegations of their speaking indictment.
Now we have the Trump indictment.
Beyond the fact that the Special Counsel took 49 pages to describe facts that could be summarized in a one or two paragraphs — thereby injecting into the public discourse (i.e., Special Counsel Jack Smith fed the “beast” that is mainstream media and social media) a narrative of unnecessary allegations about which at this point he does not need to disclose his evidence — he wrote the charges in a fashion that is gratuitous and intended only to inflame public passions over the disputed documents.
When a federal prosecutor charges a conspiracy or a scheme to defraud, one of the charging requirements is that one or more “overt acts” with regard to a conspiracy, or one or more “executions” of the scheme be alleged in the text of the indictment.
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So, when SCO Jack Smith made a determination to submit to the Grand Jury in the Southern District of Florida a proposed indictment with a serial listing of 31 documents, each as a basis for a separate criminal count, he did not do so because the law required that. He did so because he wanted that to be in the public narrative as reported by mainstream media and social media.
That exposes the exercise as one that is more political than legal. He did more than the law required — which should be DOJ’s lodestar. He did what advances the political cause of reducing the chances that candidate Donald Trump might again be elected President in 2024.
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This brings me back once again to the Trump indictment.
I predict that this case does not go to trial prior to November 2024. I think the Smith SCO has brought this case at a time early enough that it will attempt to force the case to trial prior to the 2024 election. If it had waited much longer the chances that it would go to trial prior to November 2024 would be zero.
But while the Sixth Amendment provides for the right to a “speedy and public trial,” that right is guaranteed to the accused, not to the Government. The statutory Speedy Trial Act provides for a time period between indictment and trial that is sufficient to afford counsel for the defendant the reasonable time necessary for effective preparation, taking into account the nature and complexity of the case. With 32 years experience in federal criminal trial practice, I cannot envision any federal judge forcing this case to trial in the next 12-14 months, and any later than that will be at a time that Donald Trump might once again be the GOP nominee for President in the 2024 election.
But the true motives of the Smith SCO are revealed by the nature of what it has chosen to include in the public filing. If the case cannot get to trial prior to November 2024, having the narrative contained in the allegations set forth take hold as “facts” in the consciousness of the public — and the electorate — is the next best thing. They have a dutiful mainstream media and rabid social media to trumpet and amplify the allegations for months as if they are established facts.
These are now the well-established rules of the “lawfare” game played by progressive-dominated DOJ against its political opponents. The rules are dishonest, duplicitous, and lead to abusive prosecutorial practices when placed in the hands of political hacks.
When the Justice Department is captured by an ethos that the “ends justifies the means”, “justice” as the guiding lodestar is compromised.
I’ll close here with a famous quote — famous among lawyers at least — from the Supreme Court nearly 90 years ago in
Berger v. United States:
[The Prosecutor] is the representative not of an ordinary party to a controversy, but of a sovereignty whose obligation to govern impartially is as compelling as its obligation to govern at all; and whose interest, therefore, in a criminal prosecution is not that it shall win a case, but that justice shall be done.
As such, he is in a peculiar and very definite sense the servant of the law, the twofold aim of which is that guilt shall not escape or innocence suffer.
He may prosecute with earnestness and vigor — indeed he should do so. But while he may strike hard blows, he is not at liberty to strike foul ones. It is as much his duty to refrain from improper methods calculated to produce a wrongful conviction as it is to use every legitimate means to bring about a just one.
I’m going to end this first article here, and reserve for another day an actual analysis of the allegations and statutes at issue. There is a reason for that, and I’ll explain that reason at a later date.