Xelor said:
Did you mean to put a question mark of incredulity at the end of that sentence?
The above dialogue illustrates the problems I have with your comments.
- "Willing to judge" - You present that in the absolute. When it's appropriate that I judge, I will. Some of those situations will be subjective in nature, and in those cases, I will use the body of knowledge I have to induct a decision or I will remove myself from the role that calls me to make the decision and defer to someone who's better situated to make it.
You might think of it as the difference between strategic and tactical, or "forest and trees," or macro and micro level decisions. When I'm charged to decide about a strategic aspect of a matter, I may well choose a tactic that some tactical advisors think "not so good." They may even speak out about it, and I'll tolerate that to a point. But at the end of the day, when implementing a strategy, one has to choose the tactic(s) that best supports the strategy, not the tactic that is best in its own right for achieving whatever the tactic seeks to achieve. We all understand that concept - discretion is the better part of valor - yet not many good at applying it, even fewer have experience applying it in large scale situations such as the man
There are plenty of times when I won't make a judgement. Similarly, there times when I judge within a negative liberty construct and other times a positive one. And sometimes I have to weigh one against the other.
I put shit in your mouth. I wrote the OP and
you came back with that non-liberal views are stupid and you don't want to hear them
- I don't want to hear stupid views/statements/ideas. What's a stupid view? One that won't hold up under rigorous, sound scrutiny:
- ideas that that rest in part or totally on material factual inaccuracies;
- ideas that are contextually out of place;
- ideas that are weakly presented and that are not (near) universally (save by "quacks") understood and accepted by people who are experts on the topic
- I sometimes will tolerate stupid questions, but nearly never stupid statements.
Regarding your OP and its protestations...Are you speaking of your own experiences, those of your kids, someone else's, the majority of students in schools of higher education? I don't know, but what I can't tell from what you wrote:
- You wrote only generalities and offered no specific supporting examples for any of your claims -- not even an attempt to support their existential pervasiveness:
- No specific mention of a purportedly liberal (not in the political sense) college whereat politically non-liberal teens (presumably freshmen or sophomores) routinely are "berated" into silence (Frankly, after watching the 2016 U.S. election cycle, I think if one can't handle some berating, one should not live in the U.S. Half of what Trump did, and continues to even now, is berate people and their ideas.)
- No example of a college whereat leftist ideology is presented near exclusively and conservative ideology is never or "uber" infrequently offered.
- No specific illustration of college kids being punished with poor grades, to say nothing of noting the type of assignment and class(s) you have in mind.
- No instance of Christians or Jews being genuinely squelched.
- No factual metrics about what share of colleges and universities offer no officially recognized clubs catering to whatever -- Jewishness, Christianity, conservatism, etc. -- and that will make your claim be anything more than just something anecdotal, if that even, that you are bitching about.
- No specific examples of college liberals in authority advocating for speech restrictions
Let me explain why I mentioned those things....The heart of your question is "why does the left not understand
negative liberty as it applies to free speech/expression on college campuses?" What's unclear to me is just how to answer your question, and that's unclear because nothing in your post indicates just where you sit on the liberty continuum that ranges from 100% negative liberty to 100% positive liberty. In short, you don't provide enough information in your OP for readers to know what your philosophical position is. Your political position - clearly is an "us and them" one - is obvious, but it must stand on some principled philosophy, and what that is is unclear.
The theoretical underpinnings are important for this topic because they are really well understood and expounded upon. The question traces to Aristotle and Cicero. It reappears in Hobbes'
Leviathan. Mill directly handles it in "On Liberty." Berlin, Pettit, Rothbard, Pocock, Wood, Skinner, Oldfield, Viroli and others have
ad nauseum covered the topic. Christman unites them and recasts the central questions about them and their usefulness, but in doing so merely offers a different cognitive conception, but not an existentially different model of liberty's dimensions and consequences.
That's the philosophical approach. How do negative and positive liberty theory manifest themselves where the salt hits the road in academic settings? Well, for Americans anyway, the answer is made clear in
Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier. "Educators do not offend the First Amendment by exercising editorial control over the style and content of student speech in school-sponsored expressive activities so long as their actions are reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns"....The First Amendment rights of students "are not automatically coextensive with the rights of adults in other settings."
Hazelwood informs the extent of discretion state school administrators may exercise. Period.
At private schools, there's not much to say. They mostly get to restrain or permit whatever suits them. To see what sorts of expression colleges curtail, take a look at student organizations found in various colleges and universities.
What exactly is your notion of free speech, and I mean "speech" in the broadest sense, expression? When it comes to squelching expression, consider this. Is not expression in collegiate settings encouraged or discouraged by the mere presence of a group organized for the purpose of a given form of expression? I certainly think so.
- Private and religious
- Public
- Private - Secular
To put that list together, I had to lookup faith-based universities. I had no trouble finding several sites that identify them. What I was shocked to find is that not one of them includes Georgetown University, Villanova, the several Loyolas, Gonzaga, Xavier, Marquette, St. Joseph's, Seton Hall, Fordham, U. of Portland, or even Notre Dame.
As I perused the student organizations at the schools above, it seems to me if there's any expression squelching going on, it happens more at religious schools than anywhere else. I realize the list is anecdotal, so maybe someone else wants to look at other schools.
Free speech at colleges and universities has at least three dimensions: liberty for student expressions in the abstract of their own views, freedom to express information/ideas that directly or indirectly pertain to the institution itself, and that for employees. I happen to think that any employer has the right to do what it needs to in order to control the messages disseminated about it; everyone ought be accorded the respect of telling their own story rather than having it be told by others. In a courtroom, it's different, but in terms of general public discourse, organizations, including schools, are right to restrict the disclosure of information that may defame them. You don't air your "dirty linen," do you? You expect your family and friends who know of it to keep it to themselves as well, right?
You repeatedly talk about "liberals" and "non-liberals," yet
nearly every U.S. citizen is a liberal. (click the link) Here again, you've left unclear just who or what kind of people you mean. What is clear is that colleges and universities are the places you declare have abrogated student liberty. That notion is preposterous when considered in terms of America's colleges and universities because the point of being a collegian is to develop to the fullest one's "manifest destiny;" institutions of higher learning exist to enable individuals to form themselves so they can realize their utmost positive liberty.
Wrapping all the above together:
I can understand how applications of positive liberty theory can, uncurtailed, lead to authoritarianism. I also get that the U.S. doesn't provide an environment for authoritarian anything to get anywhere, but, sure, it can make small inroads here and there. I can't think of any situation where I wasn't free to express myself. I can think of situations where doing so may have been accompanied by undesirable (to me) consequences, but I'm not going to complain about that because I knew the consequences before I "spoke"/acted, so if I wanted to speak, I did and will again.
Freedom doesn't mean free from outcomes; it means free to choose, speak or act. A variety of outcomes may ensue. Readers who clicked on and read the content at this post's second link understand that, which is not to say the notion isn't rebuttable, but that if one wants to rebut, modify or refute it, fine, but I'm not likely to respond well to some half-baked BS (aka stupid) response/"tweet" that fails to apply what one will find at the noted link and others in this post.
As for my position on positive and negative liberty, well, I want both at differing times. Going about the mundanity of daily life, and other "cut and dried" circumstances, I want as much negative liberty as everyone else has. When I'm considering issues about what individuals may pursue in their lives, I advocate for positive liberty in as equal measures as possible for all. It depends on the situation. I can't just say one or the other notion of liberty is always right; I don't think either is, which is why when it comes to free speech on college campuses, without details, I have no basis for forming a judgment.
And that is why you got the inane and unexplained remark that commenced my participation in this thread. I'd have been more than happy to go straight to the negative and positive liberty philosophical discussion. Truth be told, when I saw your thread title, I was fully expecting that your OP would be tailored for exactly that type of discussion, albeit with a new twist on the ideas of the thinkers such as those whom I mentioned earlier. When I saw what you did post, I thought, "okay, I'll take the bait and reply with a classic taut that has as its natural intellectual response some sort of exposition directly addressing negative and positive notions of freedom."
That, as we see, is not how you responded. Thus here we are with me having to lay out all the various aspects that came to mind as a result of your OP, something I'd not have done were the OP focused, either rhetorically, abstractly, via reference to liberal philosophers' ideas or by detailed illustration.
An example that facilitates discussion of liberty:
Jack’s living in New York. He’d like go to California to visit family. Under a negative conception of liberty, Jack is free to go to California if nobody is actively preventing him from doing so. Thus his negative freedom would be violated if his neighbor locked Jack in the basement, or if someone stole his car.
But what if Jack’s so poor that he can’t afford a car or a plane ticket? What if Jack is sick and so not physically up to the trip? In these instances, no person prevents Jack from going to California, so Jack’s negative liberty remains intact. Yet he lacks the capacity to fulfill his desire and so, from a positive liberty standpoint, he is unfree.
Within the context of political philosophy - within the context of what the state is permitted to do and what it ought to do - a government protects Jack’s negative liberty by discouraging the neighbor from locking Jack up and likewise the thief from stealing Jack’s car. If dissuasion is ineffective, the state may punish the perpetrators, thus (we hope) reducing the likelihood of other, similar liberties violations. In addition to - or instead of - punishing violations, the state might force the violator to compensate Jack, striving to make him whole.
On the other hand, a state tasked with directly promoting Jack’s positive liberty might tax its citizens in order to buy Jack the car he couldn’t otherwise afford. Or it might use that revenue to pay for the medical care Jack needs to get back on his feet so he can travel. A positive liberty focused state would take active steps to assure Jack isn’t just free to pursue his desires, but also has the resources to attain them.
To close, I'll simply point out that for all the recrimination about liberals, Democrats, being socialists, the fact is that socialists and Marxists do not distinguish between negative and positive liberty. Recall what I said about stupid comments/statements. The instant I see a self-professed conservative, in a discussion that boils down to differences over ideas of positive and negative liberty, equate
liberalism with socialism/Marxism, I know immediately they don't know what they are talking about because people in those two camps don't distinguish as Democrats, Republicans, Anarchists and Libertarians do.
Summary of
Hazelwood:
US Supreme Court decisions define the scope of the
First Amendment in public school settings. Public schools must have a valid basis to limit free speech rights, and can't act on an undifferentiated fear or apprehension. Schools can:
- Limit speech based on a reasonable expectation that it will cause a material and substantial disruption of school activities or invade the rights of others
- Prohibit obscene or vulgar language
Schools can also limit speech if it's in the form of a threat. Not just any expression is a threat, though. Threats must:
- Be perceived as a threat by others
- Be clear and convincing, causing others to believe it will be carried out
- Cause other students to fear for their safety