Ambivalent1
Gold Member
- Banned
- #21
You are ******* kidding me right?
Clapper? You do know Steele has made a deal with Durham...right?
More and More of the Steele Dossier Proving to be True
- Thread starter MordechaiGoodbud
- Start date
You are ******* kidding me right?
Clapper? You do know Steele has made a deal with Durham...right?
Ambivalent1
Gold Member
- Banned
- #22
They pulled the page kid...I wonder why?
Yup! And right after trump spent a very long time in private conversations with the UK Queen and Prime Minister.
Did it not occur to the FBI that Trump had not made any “recent trips to Moscow” as claimed by Steele? There is no record of his having been in Moscow after a brief weekend trip for a beauty pageant in 2013. Trump is a very public person, so that should not have been difficult to figure out. In 2018, the Washington Post’s Rosalind S. Helderman and Tom Hamburger pulled together and published a comprehensive account of Trump’s travel to and business dealings in Russia, going back over 30 years. Why not the world’s premier investigative agency, which had, by mid 2016, been scrutinizing Trump–Russia contacts for months, in conjunction with the rest of the government’s $50 billion–per–annum “community” of intelligence agencies? What “recent trips to Moscow” and “very helpful” Russian intelligence could Steele have been talking about?
Steele’s work is slapdash: His source for the pee tape is referred to as “Source D” in the first report but becomes “Source E” in later ones. Upon request, Steele would have been obliged to disclose his sources to the bureau (and he is known to have identified at least some of them). Regardless, these were supposedly Trump associates with Russian backgrounds; for the FBI, finding them should have been a layup. (Indeed, it is publicly rumored, though unconfirmed, that Steele’s sources included Russian-born Felix Sater, a fraudster and longtime FBI informant who was a close friend and high-school classmate of Trump’s former lawyer Michael Cohen and who partnered with Trump in real-estate ventures, including the mogul’s failed efforts to build a Trump Tower in Moscow.)
Both the Wall Street Journal and ABC News identified Steele’s main pee-tape source as Sergei Millian. At the time, he was a 38-year-old native of Belarus who had immigrated to America in his early twenties. To be blunt, you would not trust him as far as you could throw him. Upon arriving, he worked as a translator and used the (apparently true) name “Siarhei Kukuts.” In 2006, to raise his profile, he started an outfit called “the Russian–American Chamber of Commerce.” Sounds impressive, but it was basically a Potemkin platform with little in the way of assets or activities — just the sort of entity Russian intelligence would typically use as a front for recruitment operations, which is how the FBI is said to have suspected that Millian’s “chamber” was occasionally used.
Even Simpson confided to friends that he worried Millian was an unreliable “big talker.” No wonder. Millian has claimed in Russian and American media appearances to have a close relationship with Trump and to have marketed Trump Organization properties as a real-estate broker. In reality, he barely knows Trump and cannot keep straight the story of when they met. Originally, he said it was in 2007 in Moscow. When it was suggested to him that Trump had not been in Russia that year, he revised the tale, claiming to have met the mogul in Florida at a 2008 marketing meeting.
Steele’s Shoddy Dossier | National Review
Agreed: We must get to the bottom of this.
The dossier attributes to the source identified as Millian the claim that the “Trump campaign/Kremlin co-operation” against Hillary Clinton entailed the exchange of intelligence and money at key hubs, including the Russian consulate in Miami. Except there is no Russian consulate in Miami. When Steele told this part of his story to the State Department’s Kavalec, she was able in nothing flat to confirm that it could not be true. And she immediately forwarded that information to the FBI, which was then working on the first FISA surveillance application. Yet the Obama Justice Department and the bureau represented to the court that they were aware of no derogatory information regarding Steele — in addition to concealing the dossier’s connection to the Clinton campaign, as well as Steele’s bias and media contacts.
The dossier allegation that catalyzed the surveillance of Page involved the claim that, in his purported role as Trump-campaign intermediary to the Putin regime, Page had met with two operatives close to Putin during a July 2016 trip to Moscow: Igor Sechin, head of the Kremlin-controlled energy conglomerate Rosneft; and Igor Diveykin, an influential member of Putin’s presidential administration. Sechin, under U.S. economic sanctions due to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, is claimed to have said that, if Trump were elected president and lifted the sanctions, Russia would pay Page and Trump the brokerage fee from the sale of a 19 percent stake in Rosneft — a bribe that would have amounted to tens of millions of dollars. Diveykin also supposedly told Page that Russia had a kompromat file on Mrs. Clinton that it might be willing to share with the Trump campaign — while warning that there was also a file on Trump, which the tycoon should bear in mind when dealing with Russia. And the dossier had Trump lawyer Cohen in a role similar to Page’s — dispatched by Trump on a secret trip to Prague to meet with Putin’s operatives for dark discussions about (a) damage control after public revelations of Manafort and Page ties to Russia and (b) “deniable cash payments” for “hackers in Europe who had worked under Kremlin direction against the Clinton campaign.”
Two things are especially worth noting about these claims, which have been convincingly denied by Page and Cohen. First, Steele’s vaunted sources never predicted clandestine treachery. Rather, Steele and Simpson fashioned a narrative framework of Trump–Russia collusion and then folded into the story each new publicly reported development — Page’s well-publicized trip to Russia, the hacked DNC emails, and so on. Indeed, Steele’s reports (including one written just three days before WikiLeaks began publishing the DNC emails on July 22) never said a word about the emails, even though WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange had begun speaking publicly about a coming release of Clinton-related material over a month earlier. When Steele finally wrote about the emails, he echoed what the Clinton campaign was already saying publicly.
Second, there is the matter of the Kremlin sources to whom Steele attributed his information. As mentioned earlier, Steele maintained that a “former top Russian intelligence officer” was one of his principal sources — in particular, for the allegation that Russia had amassed enough kompromat on Trump to blackmail him at a time of Putin’s choosing. Steele also purported to derive insider intelligence from what were variously described as a “senior Russian Foreign Ministry figure,” a “senior Kremlin official,” an official close to the head of Putin’s presidential administration, and/or “two well-placed and established Kremlin sources.” Information was said to be forwarded to Steele through an unidentified person sometimes described as the “trusted compatriot” of these sources. And for all we know, there may have been yet more intermediaries in the telephone game between the sources, the “compatriot,” and Steele.
Steele’s Shoddy Dossier | National Review
James Crapper is a liar.
THE STEELE DOSSIER
Christopher Steele’s intelligence alleged that Page and Manafort were at the center of a “well developed conspiracy” with Russia. Page, according to Steele, served as the conduit for Russian dirt on Crooked Hillary from the Kremlin, which he supposedly passed on to Manafort.
The dossier became the central piece of evidence in the surveillance warrant on Page. Without it, the Corrupt FBI would have never sought the warrant at all, according to Horowitz. Without question, the Corrupt FBI should have been more skeptical of Steele’s reporting before submitting it to the surveillance court. After all, Page had not only said he had never met Manafort, he also told the Corrupt FBI informant that he had never met with the senior Russian officials with whom Steele reported he had met. Page said these things in conversations with someone he did not know was working for the Corrupt FBI and did not know was surreptitiously recording him. Oh, the Page warrant did contain elements of Page’s conversation with the informant, such as his prediction of an October surprise against Hillary Clinton’s campaign and his hope that he would get Russian funding for a think tank he wanted to start. It just failed to include the parts of the conversation that exonerated him.
This was a pattern. The Corrupt FBI did not include Page’s assertion that he had never met Manafort in any of the three subsequent renewal applications for the surveillance warrant. Over time, agents tried to corroborate Steele’s claims but couldn’t. That fact, too, was missing from the Page warrants. One of Steele’s main “sub-sources” (most of his reporting relied on people in Russia with whom he spoke who were relaying information from their own sources) told the Corrupt FBI there was no corroboration for his most salacious claim—that Trump had paid prostitutes for a disgusting sexual show in a Moscow hotel room. This, too, was omitted from the Page warrant.
Throughout the process, Horowitz concludes, “the FBI was unable to corroborate any of the specific substantive allegations against Carter Page contained in the election reporting and relied on” in the warrant applications.
Indeed, in the fall of 2016, many mainstream reporters were far more responsible with Steele’s information than was the Corrupt FBI. The Corrupt FBI didn’t bother to corroborate the Steele dossier before it included its information in Page’s FISA warrant application in October. Most of the country’s A-list national-security reporters, on the other hand, declined to publish a story touting Steele’s claims without such corroboration.
After Trump won the nomination, Fusion took its anti-Trump brief to a new client, Marc Elias, a partner at the Perkins Coie law firm, who hired Fusion on behalf of Crooked Hillary’s campaign. Steele was not hired by Fusion until the project was being financed by the Crooked Clinton campaign.
Steele's dossier purported to disclose the secrets from one of the hardest targets in the world, the Kremlin. He warned of a “crime in progress,” a Trump-Russia conspiracy to hack the 2016 election. And he provided extraordinary details to back up this claim. He said Trump’s long-time lawyer and fixer, Michael Cohen, had traveled to Prague to receive the dirt. He said Page had been offered a significant stake in one of Russia’s largest energy firms in exchange for relaxing U.S. sanctions on Russia if Trump became president. He said the Russians held “kompromat” over Trump through a videotape of prostitutes urinating on a hotel-room bed.
The Mueller report clears Page of the grave crime Steele alleged Page had committed.
Steele insisted on taking his information to the Corrupt FBI. Horowitz found that the quality of his reporting was overstated in the Page FISA warrant application. None of it, according to the inspector general, was used in actual criminal prosecutions. The Corrupt FBI’s own source verification system found that Steele’s information had been “minimally corroborated.”
As a rule, FBI confidential sources stay far away from the media because the disclosure of evidence in an ongoing investigation can tip off its targets. Besides that, in counterintelligence investigations, leaking raw and unverified intelligence about U.S. citizens in the media risks slandering the innocent. This was a hallmark of J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI, which used reporters to air suspicions about Americans before they were charged.
Steele gave separate briefings to top reporters from the Fake News New York Times, the Fake News New Yorker, Fake News ABC News, and Fake News Yahoo News and Fake News Washington Post, where he delivered his findings.
The journalists were told they would not find out who was paying for the opposition research and could attribute the information only to a “former Western intelligence official.” The reporters wanted to know whether or not the FBI was investigating Steele’s allegations. They kept it vague: “It would be fair to assume the U.S. government was aware of Steele’s information,” they told the reporters
One reporter, Fake News Yahoo’s Michael Isikoff, pressed harder than his competition in those briefings. That day, Isikoff managed to get Steele to confirm that he had briefed the Corrupt FBI about Carter Page and other matters. His September 23 piece, “U.S. Officials Probe Ties Between Trump Adviser and Kremlin,” was the first to report on the bureau’s investigation into Page. Nonetheless, he did not repeat Steele’s most explosive claim, that Page was the go-between for the Trump-Russian conspiracy. He did report that Page had met with both Igor Sechin, the chief executive of Russian energy conglomerate Rosneft, and senior Kremlin official Igor Diveykin—and he reported Page’s denial of the charges against him. The story was promoted on Twitter by Crooked Hillary’s account, and it caused a minor stir. The other reporters at the briefing held back.
The Fusion team opted to brief David Corn, a senior reporter at the left-wing Mother Jones.
Unlike the mainstream reporters, Corn is a partisan journalist. But even Corn at first did not know what to do with Steele’s material. “This is crazy stuff,” Corn told Simpson. “But how am I supposed to know if it’s true?” Corn wanted to speak to Steele. After arranging a phone call, the Fusion authors say Corn was satisfied that Steele was legitimate. His story came out on October 31, under the headline “A Veteran Spy Has Given the FBI Information Alleging a Russian Operation to Cultivate Donald Trump.” Corn’s article would set the template for the coverage of Trump-Russia for the next two and a half years. It also prompted the Corrupt FBI to end its source relationship with Steele.
The FBI Scandal - Commentary
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