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Islamochristian Sharia Morphing: Copulations of Church and State
- Thread starter badger2
- Start date
- Thread starter
- #42
'Still, throughout the 1980s university administrators took it upon themselves at regular intervals to bar girls in headscarves from entering their campuses, supported by a series of rulings by the Danistay in defense of such bans. The perverse effect of these policies was to bar women from attending university in the name of the state's mission to "liberate" women from the strictures of religion. In light of the absence of any injunction against the attire or personal appearance of religiously observant men, the irony of these policies was redoubled.
Yet, the banning of headscarved women from campuses had no clear legal grounding apart from decrees issued by YOK (Higher Education Council). As a result, ANAP, the majority party in parliament, tried to create a legal basis to block the headscarf ban by passing Law No. 3511 in 1988 to allow female university students to enter university dressed in accordance with their religious convictions. The Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) found the law unconstitutional within a year.
In its reasoning, the Court defended a version of secularism that required the (exclusion [italics]) of religious expression from the public sphere, noting the centrality of secularization to the state's core identity and projects. According to the Court, secularism:
sped up the [Turkish]) march toward civilization. In fact, secularism cannot be narrowed down to the separation of religion and state affairs. It is a milieu of civilization, freedom and modernity, whose dimensions are broader and whose scope is larger. It is Turkey's philosophy of modernization, its method of living humanly. It is the ideal of humanity....The dominant effective power in the state is reason and science, not religious rules and injunctions.
Thus, secularity is defined by the Court as a set of substantive commitments rather than mere separation of religion from the state. The pedagogical role of the state is to produce a civilized citizenry committed to a public ideology of modernization. This project did require a differentiated moral universe, one that involved, at a minimum, distinct public and private moral commitments of its citizens. Yet it bears repeating that this transformation in conditions of belief does not accommodate diversity, but rather imposes a state-driven homogenization, requiring public fealty to the univocal ideology of the state while simultaneously conferring a state-defined private religious identity.
The Court's reasoning did not bring to a close the headscarf debate, but it was a watershed moment in the constitutional debate. Numerous subsequent efforts to lift the headscarf ban through legislative and constitutional reform foundered. Despite enormous societal pressure to lift the ban -- with some surveys reporting over that over 60 percent of all Turkish women wear some version of head covering, the consistent surveys show that over 70 percent of Turks supported lifting the ban at universities -- the issue was abandoned for a decade after the Refah's fall.'
(Bali A, op cit)
In the excerpt, Bali conveniently sidesteps the issue of religious homogenization and the destruction of Difference, as well as religion's strive to maintain a status quo as a plane of consistency versus the Turkish state's speeding up of dangerous dogmatic slumbers in the population, a violent rotting process within the normalcy of peace.
Yet, the banning of headscarved women from campuses had no clear legal grounding apart from decrees issued by YOK (Higher Education Council). As a result, ANAP, the majority party in parliament, tried to create a legal basis to block the headscarf ban by passing Law No. 3511 in 1988 to allow female university students to enter university dressed in accordance with their religious convictions. The Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) found the law unconstitutional within a year.
In its reasoning, the Court defended a version of secularism that required the (exclusion [italics]) of religious expression from the public sphere, noting the centrality of secularization to the state's core identity and projects. According to the Court, secularism:
sped up the [Turkish]) march toward civilization. In fact, secularism cannot be narrowed down to the separation of religion and state affairs. It is a milieu of civilization, freedom and modernity, whose dimensions are broader and whose scope is larger. It is Turkey's philosophy of modernization, its method of living humanly. It is the ideal of humanity....The dominant effective power in the state is reason and science, not religious rules and injunctions.
Thus, secularity is defined by the Court as a set of substantive commitments rather than mere separation of religion from the state. The pedagogical role of the state is to produce a civilized citizenry committed to a public ideology of modernization. This project did require a differentiated moral universe, one that involved, at a minimum, distinct public and private moral commitments of its citizens. Yet it bears repeating that this transformation in conditions of belief does not accommodate diversity, but rather imposes a state-driven homogenization, requiring public fealty to the univocal ideology of the state while simultaneously conferring a state-defined private religious identity.
The Court's reasoning did not bring to a close the headscarf debate, but it was a watershed moment in the constitutional debate. Numerous subsequent efforts to lift the headscarf ban through legislative and constitutional reform foundered. Despite enormous societal pressure to lift the ban -- with some surveys reporting over that over 60 percent of all Turkish women wear some version of head covering, the consistent surveys show that over 70 percent of Turks supported lifting the ban at universities -- the issue was abandoned for a decade after the Refah's fall.'
(Bali A, op cit)
In the excerpt, Bali conveniently sidesteps the issue of religious homogenization and the destruction of Difference, as well as religion's strive to maintain a status quo as a plane of consistency versus the Turkish state's speeding up of dangerous dogmatic slumbers in the population, a violent rotting process within the normalcy of peace.
- Thread starter
- #43
OALC in Clark County is interesting for possible links to antifa activities. County seat is Vancouver.
Old Apostolic Lutheran Church - Wikipedia
Old Apostolic Lutheran Church - Wikipedia
- Thread starter
- #45
The UN's Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW) is a little-known link to Islamic sharia, which is also a link to hegira (migration), mentioned above.
'Belgium, 1986. This year the Journees d'Arras were held, for the first time, not at Arras but in Tournai, Belgium, at the Major Seminary of this ancient cathedral city, from 13-16 May.....Evenings were informal exchanges of information: on Wednesday Fr M. Kayitakibga reported in the recent work of the Secretariat for non-Christians, then J. Nielsen and J. Slomp spoke of the work of the Shari'a Commission of the CCMWE (Churches' Committee on Migrant Workers in Europe).'
(Islamochristiana [1986] 12:197)
'Belgium, 1986. This year the Journees d'Arras were held, for the first time, not at Arras but in Tournai, Belgium, at the Major Seminary of this ancient cathedral city, from 13-16 May.....Evenings were informal exchanges of information: on Wednesday Fr M. Kayitakibga reported in the recent work of the Secretariat for non-Christians, then J. Nielsen and J. Slomp spoke of the work of the Shari'a Commission of the CCMWE (Churches' Committee on Migrant Workers in Europe).'
(Islamochristiana [1986] 12:197)
- Thread starter
- #46
So, this 1986 hegira connection to shari'a is precious. Go Trump!
11 Jun 2019 Anti-Sharia, ANTIFA, and Assault
Anti-Sharia, ANTIFA, and Assault - Alpha News
11 Jun 2019 Anti-Sharia, ANTIFA, and Assault
Anti-Sharia, ANTIFA, and Assault - Alpha News
- Thread starter
- #47
In post #45, the dates for shari'a in Belgium are 13-16 May 1986. In the same volume cited, reported is the movement of an islamic Somalian constitution in Kenya, which is an interesting Obama link.
' 9 Mai 1986: A Nairobi (Kenya), constitution d'un mouvement islamique somalien.'
(Islamochristiana 12 (1986), Documents, p. 193)
' 9 Mai 1986: A Nairobi (Kenya), constitution d'un mouvement islamique somalien.'
(Islamochristiana 12 (1986), Documents, p. 193)
- Thread starter
- #48
11 hours ago.
Rashida Tlaib Sued for Alleged Assault and Battery of Laura Loomer
finance.yahoo.com/news/rashida-tlaib-sued-alleged-assault-battery-laura-loomer-130000184.html
(URL is correctly transcribed.)
We return to 2017 for the history of anti-sharia protests (Seattle-St. Paul)
10 Jun 2017 Anti-Sharia Marches, Counter-Protests Lead to Fighting and Arrests
abcnews.go.com/us/anti-sharia-marches-counter-protests-planned-us/story?id=47955443
(URL is correctly transcribed)
Rashida Tlaib Sued for Alleged Assault and Battery of Laura Loomer
finance.yahoo.com/news/rashida-tlaib-sued-alleged-assault-battery-laura-loomer-130000184.html
(URL is correctly transcribed.)
We return to 2017 for the history of anti-sharia protests (Seattle-St. Paul)
10 Jun 2017 Anti-Sharia Marches, Counter-Protests Lead to Fighting and Arrests
abcnews.go.com/us/anti-sharia-marches-counter-protests-planned-us/story?id=47955443
(URL is correctly transcribed)
- Thread starter
- #49
Post 9-11: Wearing the Hijab and Sharia
We verified that the URL will work if transcribed in the space bar. What seems like a lower-case 'l'(a lower-case L) is actually a capital i (I):
8 Sept 2011 Oklahoma Group Pushes Ban of Sharia Law
youtube.com/watch?v=3MAIVK7AAPY
We verified that the URL will work if transcribed in the space bar. What seems like a lower-case 'l'(a lower-case L) is actually a capital i (I):
8 Sept 2011 Oklahoma Group Pushes Ban of Sharia Law
youtube.com/watch?v=3MAIVK7AAPY
- Thread starter
- #54
State Hijab
'The Koran aims at forming a community of believers (umma), but it does not contain a detailed system of organization of civil society; it confines itself to some general principles. On the other hand, a distinction cam be made in the Koran between two instances of power: the juridico-religious power (hukm), which only belongs to god and the civile power, which is the responsibility of men, and belongs to the "holders of authority" (ulu l-amr); it must be the object of consultation (shura).
....
Yet these caliphs, and especially Omar (13-23 / 634-644), organizer of the State, legislates in various fields, from religious principles. Omar does not hesitate to modify, innovate, or even suspend rules established by the Prophet or even by the Koran. It is difficult to distinguish, in all these measures, what emerges from secular motivations (the organization of the State) or from religious motivations.'
(The State and Religion, Islamochristiana [1986] 12: 62)
The white wall/black hole system we have already mentioned as to its link to the hijab and concept of hegira (migration). In the building of the State, one can understand more clearly Omar's divested powers and flexibility, for they are embedded in shari'a:
'In the post-1998 era of reform and decentralization, shari'a signifies the resurgence of local capacities to define and exploit ideas of authenticity, autonomy, and morality -- ideas which have strong political, cultural, and often religious dimensions. Whether Bowen is right (2013, "Contours of Shari'a in Indonesia") in seeing the bylaws as part of a larger process of redefining and re-legitimizing the country's institutions, or whether one should, as other observers do, consider the religious bylaws as a sign of Indonesia captured by a nation-wide religious frenzy in the aftermath of democratization and the state's withdrawal from over-regulating society, democratization has profoundly altered conditions of belief. There is yet no debate about, and indeed very little awareness of, the violence done unto all religions, Islam included, in the 1950-1980s due to the provisions of the MORA. There is also still very little questioning of whether tying citizenship to religion is compatible with democracy and in particular with the freedom of religion guaranteed in the constitution.'
(Kuenkler M, Law, Legitimacy, and Equality, in A Secular Age Beyond the West [2018])
'The Koran aims at forming a community of believers (umma), but it does not contain a detailed system of organization of civil society; it confines itself to some general principles. On the other hand, a distinction cam be made in the Koran between two instances of power: the juridico-religious power (hukm), which only belongs to god and the civile power, which is the responsibility of men, and belongs to the "holders of authority" (ulu l-amr); it must be the object of consultation (shura).
....
Yet these caliphs, and especially Omar (13-23 / 634-644), organizer of the State, legislates in various fields, from religious principles. Omar does not hesitate to modify, innovate, or even suspend rules established by the Prophet or even by the Koran. It is difficult to distinguish, in all these measures, what emerges from secular motivations (the organization of the State) or from religious motivations.'
(The State and Religion, Islamochristiana [1986] 12: 62)
The white wall/black hole system we have already mentioned as to its link to the hijab and concept of hegira (migration). In the building of the State, one can understand more clearly Omar's divested powers and flexibility, for they are embedded in shari'a:
'In the post-1998 era of reform and decentralization, shari'a signifies the resurgence of local capacities to define and exploit ideas of authenticity, autonomy, and morality -- ideas which have strong political, cultural, and often religious dimensions. Whether Bowen is right (2013, "Contours of Shari'a in Indonesia") in seeing the bylaws as part of a larger process of redefining and re-legitimizing the country's institutions, or whether one should, as other observers do, consider the religious bylaws as a sign of Indonesia captured by a nation-wide religious frenzy in the aftermath of democratization and the state's withdrawal from over-regulating society, democratization has profoundly altered conditions of belief. There is yet no debate about, and indeed very little awareness of, the violence done unto all religions, Islam included, in the 1950-1980s due to the provisions of the MORA. There is also still very little questioning of whether tying citizenship to religion is compatible with democracy and in particular with the freedom of religion guaranteed in the constitution.'
(Kuenkler M, Law, Legitimacy, and Equality, in A Secular Age Beyond the West [2018])
- Thread starter
- #55
Hijaban Jungle Frenzy
One can know that the seeds of atheism hide within christianity itself, especially for the concept of infinity, though when it is evident in islam as well, one should also take notice. Bowen's "other observers" (above) are a link to Lacan:
'Still the question remains whether we ought to see in the phenomena exposed by psychoanalysis a hunger for the infinite, an appetite for the transcendental, a properly religious desire, operating in a failed state and faute de mieux. Then we should have to consider whether this hunger (if we found it) could possibly form the basis of some kind of ontological argument.
In the case of Lacan, either this last question does not come up or, as Edith Wyschogrod suggests, it is answered negatively. In the passage where Lacan says desire is enigmatic and always desire for something else (which can be given a religious twist), Lacan uses, still about desire, the phrase
sa frenesie mimant le gouffre de l'infini
translated "its [desire's] frenzy mimics the abyss of the infinite." This is, in Lacan's mouth, beautiful poetry, but also exact. Frenzy, a kind of precipitate, opportunistic, and exasperated longing, can only generate the "bad infinite" of repetition. What is mimics or apes or mocks or mimes (and so may be argued to know) is something purely -- and spectacularly -- a negative: an abyss, a big hole. Furthermore, Lacan is not offering his view of desire-as-frenzy as a diagnosis of the modern condition. He is not a cultural critic telling us where we went wrong. He thinks humans have always been going wrong and probably always will be -- with margins of historical difference, moments and pockets of relative enlightenment. Like Freud, he does not say very much about the spatio-temporal parameters of his generalizations, though he obviously understand himself to be dealing with something basic and pervasive.'
(Earle WJ, Religion and Television, in Lacan and Theological Discourse [1989])
The scopic drive of the white wall/black hole system in post #36 may be compared with the Lacanian frenzy and abyss l'infini. The concept of the infinite is key to the secretion of atheism from within religion (Shults).
One can know that the seeds of atheism hide within christianity itself, especially for the concept of infinity, though when it is evident in islam as well, one should also take notice. Bowen's "other observers" (above) are a link to Lacan:
'Still the question remains whether we ought to see in the phenomena exposed by psychoanalysis a hunger for the infinite, an appetite for the transcendental, a properly religious desire, operating in a failed state and faute de mieux. Then we should have to consider whether this hunger (if we found it) could possibly form the basis of some kind of ontological argument.
In the case of Lacan, either this last question does not come up or, as Edith Wyschogrod suggests, it is answered negatively. In the passage where Lacan says desire is enigmatic and always desire for something else (which can be given a religious twist), Lacan uses, still about desire, the phrase
sa frenesie mimant le gouffre de l'infini
translated "its [desire's] frenzy mimics the abyss of the infinite." This is, in Lacan's mouth, beautiful poetry, but also exact. Frenzy, a kind of precipitate, opportunistic, and exasperated longing, can only generate the "bad infinite" of repetition. What is mimics or apes or mocks or mimes (and so may be argued to know) is something purely -- and spectacularly -- a negative: an abyss, a big hole. Furthermore, Lacan is not offering his view of desire-as-frenzy as a diagnosis of the modern condition. He is not a cultural critic telling us where we went wrong. He thinks humans have always been going wrong and probably always will be -- with margins of historical difference, moments and pockets of relative enlightenment. Like Freud, he does not say very much about the spatio-temporal parameters of his generalizations, though he obviously understand himself to be dealing with something basic and pervasive.'
(Earle WJ, Religion and Television, in Lacan and Theological Discourse [1989])
The scopic drive of the white wall/black hole system in post #36 may be compared with the Lacanian frenzy and abyss l'infini. The concept of the infinite is key to the secretion of atheism from within religion (Shults).
- Thread starter
- #57
30 Aug 2019 Church-State Questions Raised Over Thousand Oaks Mayor, A Pastor
(URL is functional if transcribed to the spacebar)
vcstar.com/story/news/local/communities/conejo-valley/2019/08/30/t-o-mayor-pastor-denies-he-violated-separation-church-and-state/2141782001/
'....I am extremely fearful of those who mix government with religion.'
'Le probleme qui va se poser demain en Afrique ne sera plus suelement le probleme: islamisme ou christianisme mais le probleme: "atheisme ou religion."
The problem that will arise tomorrow in Africa will no longer be the problem of islamism or christianity but the problem" atheism or religion."
....Les deux religions sont menacees par le meme ennemi." le communisme athee."
Both religions are threatened by the same enemy, "communist atheism."
....
Le l'Occident est deja avance dans ce drame de l'humanisme athee, mais il menace aussi les pays musulmans ou "il ronge la jeunesse et sape a la base l'antique foi musulmane."
The West is already advancing in this drama of humanist atheism, but it also threatens the Muslim countries where "it gnaws the youth and undermines the ancient Muslim faith." '
(Islamochristiana 12 [1986] p. 125)
(URL is functional if transcribed to the spacebar)
vcstar.com/story/news/local/communities/conejo-valley/2019/08/30/t-o-mayor-pastor-denies-he-violated-separation-church-and-state/2141782001/
'....I am extremely fearful of those who mix government with religion.'
'Le probleme qui va se poser demain en Afrique ne sera plus suelement le probleme: islamisme ou christianisme mais le probleme: "atheisme ou religion."
The problem that will arise tomorrow in Africa will no longer be the problem of islamism or christianity but the problem" atheism or religion."
....Les deux religions sont menacees par le meme ennemi." le communisme athee."
Both religions are threatened by the same enemy, "communist atheism."
....
Le l'Occident est deja avance dans ce drame de l'humanisme athee, mais il menace aussi les pays musulmans ou "il ronge la jeunesse et sape a la base l'antique foi musulmane."
The West is already advancing in this drama of humanist atheism, but it also threatens the Muslim countries where "it gnaws the youth and undermines the ancient Muslim faith." '
(Islamochristiana 12 [1986] p. 125)
- Thread starter
- #58
This case came to light in July.
Trump Social Media Case Implicates State Rep
'A recent judgment regarding President Trump's use of social media has increased legal liability for a Florida state rep, who's utilizing her social media account to promote Christianity, the Freedom From Religion Foundation is advising.
In July, the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Knight First Amendment Institute v. Trump that the president's Twitter feed is a government-run forum and that denying citizens equal access to read and post comments on his feed violated their First Amendment rights.
In light of this decision, FFRF has written to Florida state Rep. Kimberly Daniels, after a concerned constituent reported that he and several other residents were blocked from commenting on, or otherwise interacting with, the official "State Representative Kimberly Daniels" Facebook page. These bans are not arbitrary but rather the result of users expressing viewpoints critical of Daniels' actions as a state legislator. The blocked constituents are unable to interact with others on the official page and cannot use standard Facebook features available to all other users, particularly the "following," "liking," and commenting functions.
While Daniels has reportedly taken the position that this Facebook page is a personal social media account, recent federal court opinions make it clear that the page is operating as a government account. Concerned Floridians have further reported to FFRF that the account continually and pervasively promotes Christianity. Several other posts display videos of the representative proselytizing on a radio show.'
(Freethought Today, Sept 2019)
Trump Social Media Case Implicates State Rep
'A recent judgment regarding President Trump's use of social media has increased legal liability for a Florida state rep, who's utilizing her social media account to promote Christianity, the Freedom From Religion Foundation is advising.
In July, the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Knight First Amendment Institute v. Trump that the president's Twitter feed is a government-run forum and that denying citizens equal access to read and post comments on his feed violated their First Amendment rights.
In light of this decision, FFRF has written to Florida state Rep. Kimberly Daniels, after a concerned constituent reported that he and several other residents were blocked from commenting on, or otherwise interacting with, the official "State Representative Kimberly Daniels" Facebook page. These bans are not arbitrary but rather the result of users expressing viewpoints critical of Daniels' actions as a state legislator. The blocked constituents are unable to interact with others on the official page and cannot use standard Facebook features available to all other users, particularly the "following," "liking," and commenting functions.
While Daniels has reportedly taken the position that this Facebook page is a personal social media account, recent federal court opinions make it clear that the page is operating as a government account. Concerned Floridians have further reported to FFRF that the account continually and pervasively promotes Christianity. Several other posts display videos of the representative proselytizing on a radio show.'
(Freethought Today, Sept 2019)
- Thread starter
- #59
Middleton, Wisconsin can be considered an epicenter of morphologies for food coercion, as reported in last year's University of Wisconsin Food Court Protest. One of the major players behind that incident lives in Middleton.
12 Sept 2019 Cap Times Government and Politics Section: Middleton High School Jesus Lunch Expands to Schools in Madison and Verona
Middleton High School Jesus Lunch expands to schools in Madison and Verona
12 Sept 2019 Cap Times Government and Politics Section: Middleton High School Jesus Lunch Expands to Schools in Madison and Verona
Middleton High School Jesus Lunch expands to schools in Madison and Verona
- Thread starter
- #60
Further analysis of this anti-Constitutional food coercion now occurring in Wisconsin are assisted by this study:
Food Coercion in Revolution and Civil War: Who Wins and How They Do It
(URL will function when typed in the spacebar)
researchgate.net/publication/231787893_Food_Coercion_in_Revolution_and_Civil_War_Who_Wins_and_How_They_Do_It
Food Coercion in Revolution and Civil War: Who Wins and How They Do It
(URL will function when typed in the spacebar)
researchgate.net/publication/231787893_Food_Coercion_in_Revolution_and_Civil_War_Who_Wins_and_How_They_Do_It
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