A Farewell to Lenin: Stalins Litany of Vows
January 22, 2014 by Vladimir Tismaneanu
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In his Letter to the Congress, dictated in December 1922 and January 1923 to his secretary, Lydia Fotieva, Lenin requested Stalins replacement as general secretary. Politburo members read the document but decided to keep it secret. Lenins demands were ignored, denied, forgotten. The old leaders power had vanished. Paeans were of course dedicated to him, he was lionized in poems and songs, his name was frantically chanted, but he had ceased to be the real decision-maker regarding the great strategic choices and bureaucratic appointments. By that moment, all the key-institutions of the totalitarian system had been set in place and made to function in order to preserve the Bolsheviks absolute hold on power. In the following years, the epigones, and Stalin more than anybody else, did their utmost to radicalize them and to exacerbate the exclusionary, genocidal logic of Leninism.
Lenins disciples preferred to maintain Stalin in a crucial position. With very few exceptions, they failed to realize that he who controls the cadres controls the party and thereby the whole system. When they became aware of this situation, it was tragically late. They had lost the battle. The Old Bolsheviks had been eliminated from crucial positions, politically emasculated, replaced by robot-like creatures totally subjugated by the supreme leader, the vozhd (the Bolshevik equivalent of what the Nazi would call the Fuhrer). Among those, some became utterly influential as members of Stalins entorurage: Lazar Kaganovich, Georgi Malenkov, Lev Mekhlis, and Nikolay Yezhov.
In 1929, Stalin unleashed the revolution from above and implemented Lev Trotskys militaristic program minus the proposals to observe a modicum of intra-party democracy. Lenins final opposition to the bureaucratic elephantiasis and his critique of the mendacious propaganda system were totally discarded. The Leninist creed was sacralized and mummified in order to legitimize the power appetite of a profitocratic nomenklatura, a parasytical caste claiming to represent the proletarian interests and values.
At the moment of Lenins demise, the party elite was beset by a well-camouflaged, yet fierce struggle between those who wanted to inherit his mantle. Stalin established an alliance with Lev Kamenev, the head of the Moscow party organization and Lenins deputy at helm of the Council of Peoples Commissars, and with Grigory Zinoviev, the leader of the Petrograd (soon to be baptized Leningrad) organization and chairman of the Third International, also known as the Comintern, a supra-national institution created in 1919 to promote Leninist revolutionary ideas globally.
Thus, a troika emerged made up of Lenins epigones: Kamenev, Zinoviev, and Stalin. They shared a common hostility to Lev Trotsky, a Politburo member, the first commander of the Red Army, and a firebrand revolutionary apostle. In his Letter to the Congress, in fact his political testament, Lenin had called Trotsky the most brilliant member of the Central Committee. The triumvirs hated Trotkys revolutionary extravaganzas, his undisguised sense of superiority, and his presumed Bonapartist inclinations. As early as 1923, when Lenin was still alive, Zinoviev had launched a furious campaign in defense of Bolshevism against the mortal peril, the extremely dangerous Trotskyist deviation. This was in fact a fabrication, a political chimera, a fantasy meant to vilify and demonize Trotsky. The Leninist cult found support also among the members of Nikolay Bukharinss faction.
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Stalinist mythologies: Lenin and Stalin, a painting by Aleksei Vasiliev.
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All these themes were saliently featured in Stalins oath delivered in that frigidly cold January in Moscow. That text contained, in embryo, the Stalinist gospel. In spite of its monotonous discursive repetitions, the litany evolved in a crescendo of quasi-mystical devotion.Each paragraph begins with the magical words: Departing from us, Comrade Lenin enjoined us
Lenin emerges from this hagiographic apotheosis as eternally alive, unperishable, immortal. Lenin has become the vivid presence of a fallacious, temporary absence. Medieval superstitions did thus triumph within a political and ideological movement proudly dedicated to materialist philosophical principles. One doesnt need to endorse Isaac Deutschers approach to Bolshevism in order to agree with him that Stalinism was a blending of Marxism and primitive magic.
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For Stalin, Trotsky embodied the opposite of his own vision of the professional revolutionary: cosmopolite, multi-lingual, with immense literary and philosophical readings, a brilliant journalist, a masterful stylist, and an electrifying orateur. Antipodically situated, Dzhugashvili was dark, dull, somber, a taciturn introvert, pathologically suspicious of everyone and everything. Like Lenin, Trotsky belonged to an international fraternity of Central Europeans socialists, he had known Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg and many others. He had read Goethe, Schiller, Heine, Lassale, and Marx in German. Yet, this superiority was misleading and did not help him in the terrible, unsparing competition with Stalin. He committed a huge mistake by calling Dzhugasvili the Central Committees most notorious mediocrity. Narcissistic arrogance was Trotskys main weakness for which he was to finally pay with his life.
In his Oath, Stalin forcefully highlighted the themes that were to energize him in his endeavor to demonstrate that he outdid all his rivals in terms of deep dedication to Lenins desires:
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A Farewell to Lenin: Stalin?s Litany of Vows | FrontPage Magazine