Seems like Kennedy was a war monger, sending weapons to Israel, building the South Vietnamese Army, the Bay of Pigs with Cuba.
Liberal, I like the definition
John F Kennedy and Vietnam
Pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend
to assure the survival and success of liberty .
I don't know who authored that 'history' piece. But if you want to understand the Machiavellian reasons behind JFK's bellicose rhetoric, here is a great article from Time magazine.
Warrior For Peace - The Lessons of J.F.K. - TIME
I saw a TV program on Iraq and the neocons about 5 years ago where they interviewed Richard 'the Prince of Darkness' Perle, the leading neoconservative hawk who pushed for war with Iraq. Perle idolized John F. Kennedy. And he cited the same Pay any price, bear any burden..." soaring rhetoric.
But Perle and the neocons ignored Jack Kennedy's real message of peace in the same Inaugural address, and they totally ignored JFK's actions while President. On at least 3 well known occasions, Kennedy resisted military action and went against Pentagon and CIA hard-liners, military advisers and the Chiefs of Staff who he despised.
"War will exist until that distant day when the conscientious objector enjoys the same reputation and prestige that the warrior does today."
John F. Kennedy
________________________________________________
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961
United States Capitol, Washington, D.C.
Date: January 20, 1961
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge--and more.
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Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.