Classical liberalism is a political philosophy and ideology in which primary emphasis is placed on securing the freedom of the individual by limiting the power of the government. It advocates civil liberties with a limited government under the rule of law, private property rights, and belief in laissez-faire economic liberalism. Classical liberalism is built on ideas including those of Adam Smith, John Locke, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. It drew on an understanding of human behavior, individual liberty, natural law, utilitarianism, and a belief in progress.
In America a distinction grew up between classical liberals and social liberals. Classical liberals supported the rights of captains of industry, who they saw as the natural leaders of society and the champions of progress. Social liberals supported the rights of unions, and also supported the rights of minorities Classical liberals favor limited government and social liberals believe government intervention is necessary to provide equal protection and opportunity for all citizens.
Neither liberals nor conservatives full follow classical liberalism, the belief that government exists to protect both social and economic civil liberties, rather than the control of society.
Thomas Jefferson wanted independence for the citizens of our country because he believed dependency cripples, causing many people to fail to think for themselves, are confined to conditions of existence resembling an endless struggle for survival, are incapable of carrying out plans for the future, and will never achieve basic human dignity. The self dependent life is therefore the best life. We have the ability to realize being the masters of our own destiny. It is my opinion that the part of modern liberalism which most harms our society is the tendency to create dependency, and though we should assist those in need, we must always endeavor to do so without creating such dependency. (we have failed miserably in that respect)
The fundamental ideas of liberalism are: Liberal democracy, human rights, constitutionalism, fair and free elections, freedom of religion and free trade. To that end, our founding fathers were right on target by creating a republican form of government maintaining a strong state rights ideology while limiting the federal government to those functions authorized by our constitution. A Republican form of government was created to prevent the tyranny of the majority, a tyranny as despotic as a dictatorship. Without eliminating the "tyranny of the majority" there can be no civil equality. These ideas are commonly accepted widely by those who are considered both liberal and conservative today; whereas, the extremes of both liberalism and conservatism have blurred the lines of reason to one extent or another.
Those are the tenets by which I live my life and function politically.
Unfortunate for you, F.A. Hayek would call you a conservative.
“If it looks like a duck, and quacks like a duck, we have at least to consider the possibility that we have a small aquatic bird of the family anatidae on our hands.”
Douglas Adams
Then why do you make so many quacking noises?
Why I am Not a Conservative by F. A. Hayek
In general, it can probably be said that the conservative does not object to coercion or arbitrary power so long as it is used for what he regards as the right purposes. He believes that if government is in the hands of decent men, it ought not to be too much restricted by rigid rules. Since he is essentially opportunist and lacks principles, his main hope must be that the wise and the good will rule - not merely by example, as we all must wish, but by authority given to them and enforced by them.
When I say that the conservative lacks principles, I do not mean to suggest that he lacks moral conviction. The typical conservative is indeed usually a man of very strong moral convictions. What I mean is that he has no political principles which enable him to work with people whose moral values differ from his own for a political order in which both can obey their convictions. It is the recognition of such principles that permits the coexistence of different sets of values that makes it possible to build a peaceful society with a minimum of force. The acceptance of such principles means that we agree to tolerate much that we dislike.
To live and work successfully with others requires more than faithfulness to one's concrete aims. It requires an intellectual commitment to a type of order in which, even on issues which to one are fundamental, others are allowed to pursue different ends.
It is for this reason that to the liberal neither moral nor religious ideals are proper objects of coercion, while both conservatives and socialists recognize no such limits.
In the last resort, the conservative position rests on the belief that in any society there are recognizably superior persons whose inherited standards and values and position ought to be protected and who should have a greater influence on public affairs than others. The liberal, of course, does not deny that there are some superior people - he is not an egalitarian - but he denies that anyone has authority to decide who these superior people are. While the conservative inclines to defend a particular established hierarchy and wishes authority to protect the status of those whom he values, the liberal feels that no respect for established values can justify the resort to privilege or monopoly or any other coercive power of the state in order to shelter such people against the forces of economic change. Though he is fully aware of the important role that cultural and intellectual elites have played in the evolution of civilization, he also believes that these elites have to prove themselves by their capacity to maintain their position under the same rules that apply to all others.
Closely connected with this is the usual attitude of the conservative to democracy. I have made it clear earlier that I do not regard majority rule as an end but merely as a means, or perhaps even as the least evil of those forms of government from which we have to choose. But I believe that the conservatives deceive themselves when they blame the evils of our time on democracy.
The chief evil is unlimited government, and nobody is qualified to wield unlimited power. The powers which modern democracy possesses would be even more intolerable in the hands of some small elite.
I agree!
"The chief evil is unlimited government," that which has been pushed by the extreme left wing of the Democrat party.The small elite group of left wing extremists are destroying our country.
And you bfgrn are a fraud. You call yourself a liberal, yet you could care less about the less fortunate people of the world. You have no empathy for humanity. That's where my liberalism takes you to task. As a liberal humanist with moderate political leanings, I care about the equality and quality of life of all humans, not just your elitist thugs.
Bfgrn said:
Liberals believe all men are equal. Conservatives believe in an aristocracy.
dnsmith35...liberal humanist, slave trader and right wing turd...


The Rich Class and Offshore Worlds
Warren Buffett, sometimes described as the twentieth century’s most successful investor, recently maintained: ‘There is class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning’. This article describes how this rich class did indeed wage class war through deploying the striking new strategy of offshoring. The ‘rich class’ refers to high net worth individuals and families, the owners/managers of major corporations and professional service companies, many thinktanks, and leading policy-makers.
How did the rich class develop such a strategy? We know that all societies entail the movements of peoples and objects, but capitalist societies seem to elevate the scale and impact of such movement to dramatically new levels. Many analysts believe there is a massive ratcheting up of this borderlessness from the 1980s onwards, and that this is a key part of the neo-liberal redrawing of almost all societies around the world.
This movement of money, people, ideas, images, information and objects had been thought of as economically, politically and culturally beneficial. Most aspects of contemporary societies were believed to be positively transformed through increased cosmopolitanism and borderlessness. The world was increasingly open especially if one lived, worked and consumed near the centre of this world of greater opportunity and choice.
But this 1990s decade did not turn out to be the harbinger of a long term, optimistic and borderless future. Many texts especially in the new century reveal the dark side to borderlessness. Flowing across borders are not just consumer goods and new services, but terrorists, environmental risks, trafficked women, drug runners, international criminals, outsourced work, slave traders, asylum seekers, property speculators, smuggled workers, waste, financial risks and especially untaxed income. So rather than there being a general process of increased open movement, a borderless world presupposes borders and secrets. New borders are regularly being created, policed and surveilled.
A borderless world is one of ‘secret worlds’ and this is to be seen in many domains, of the offshoring of manufacturing work, of waste, especially e-waste, of energy, of torture, of leisure and pleasure, of CO2 emissions and of taxation. Offshoring involves moving resources, practices, peoples and monies from one national territory to another but hiding them within secrecy jurisdictions as they move through routes wholly or partly hidden from view. Offshoring involves evading rules, laws, taxes, regulations or norms. It is all about rule-breaking, getting around rules in ways that are illegal, or go against the spirit of the law, or which use laws in one jurisdiction to undermine laws in another. Offshore worlds are full of secrets and lies.
These offshore worlds have been made possible by the enhanced development of various new sociotechnical mobility-systems, of container-based cargo shipping; aeromobility; the internet and new virtual worlds; car and lorry traffic; new electronic money transfer systems; the growth of taxation, legal and financial expertise oriented to avoiding national regulations; and the proliferation of ‘mobile lives’ with frequent legal and illegal movement across borders.
Such an offshoring world is dynamic, reorganising economic, social, political and material relations between societies and within them, as populations and states find that more and more resources, practices, peoples and monies are made or kept secret. The global order is the very opposite of a simply open world – it is one of concealment, of very many secret gardens mainly orchestrated in and for the rich class.
Indeed since the development of neo-liberalism in the later 1980s there has been an astonishing growth in the movement of finance and wealth to and through the world’s sixty to seventy tax havens which make up over one-quarter of contemporary societies. These tax havens, or ‘treas*ure islands’, include Switzerland, Jersey, Manhattan, Cayman Islands, Monaco, Panama, Dubai, Liechtenstein, Singapore, Hong Kong, Gibraltar, City of London and Delaware. The development of ‘secrecy jurisdictions’, or in France what are known as ‘paradis fiscal’, are core to this neo-liberalisation of the world economy from around 1980 and the ending of many exchange controls. To be offshore is to be in paradise, by contrast with the high-state-high-tax life experienced onshore. Tax havens are places of escape and freedom, a paradise of low taxes, wealth management, deregulation, secrecy and often nice beaches.
This rich class is the beneficiary of these tax havens. Almost all major companies have offshore accounts/subsidiar*ies (83 per cent), more than half of world trade passes through them, almost all high net worth individuals possess offshore accounts enabling tax ‘planning’, and ninety-nine of Europe’s hundred largest com*panies use offshore subsidiaries. As a consequence one-quarter to one-third of all global wealth is held ‘offshore’. And the scale of offshored money makes the world much more unequal than researchers previously imagined.
"To unequal privileges among members of the same society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord, adverse." --Thomas Jefferson to Hugh White, 1801. ME 10:258