basquebromance
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- Nov 26, 2015
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Syriza’s surrender to the troika in 2015 continues to hang over Greece’s radical left. With general elections coming this spring, it needs to break out of its impasse — and create a real alternative to the country’s permanent austerity regime.
current state of the Greek political system is the best guarantee for the continuation of the country’s decline. The right-wing New Democracy, led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis, has been in power since 2019, and is pushing a radical neoliberal and authoritarian agenda, further entrenching the results of the shock therapy of the preceding decade. The main opposition party is Syriza, which is trying to regain power with vague promises that would leave the existing policies essentially intact. And how could things be otherwise, given Syriza’s own record in government?
The Greek Communist Party (KKE), while still a significant militant force, remains unfortunately stuck in the same sectarian rut that it has followed for years, despite some timid openings in the field of social struggles. This is a dead-end that leads the KKE to a peculiar sort of political passivity and electoral stagnation, disguised by radical rhetoric.
MeRA25, the movement created by Yanis Varoufakis, has shown considerable ideological radicalization in recent years. But, as we shall go on to explain, there is no indication that this force can provide the necessary political answers on its own.
Finally, the extra-parliamentary left is deeply weakened and seems unable to overcome its chronic fragmentation. So far, it has proved unable to articulate a discourse that could reach a reasonably wide audience.
In short, the political outlook of Greece is far from inspiring at present. The trauma of the historic 2015 defeat has not been healed and overcoming it will require a great deal of effort.
It is certainly encouraging that during the last two years there has been a revival of social resistance, with some remarkable strike actions and struggles against authoritarianism and police repression. But these actions remain fragmented and defensive. Moreover, historical experience shows that social movements, although vital to social change, are not able to offer a comprehensive alternative to the country, especially after a historic defeat on the magnitude we have seen in Greece.
Political intervention is necessary to break the deadlock.
any alternative political proposal from the Left needs to address the entire spectrum of the forces resisting the course adopted by the country’s elites during the past decade. It must formulate policies that respond to the burning problems of Greek society. The quagmire faced by the country is so deep that only broad social and political alliances can address it.
For such a political proposal to have any hope of success, it must have at its core the convergence of the forces of the radical left.
Now, “radical left” is a term which, after Syriza’s humiliating capitulation in 2015, has rightly lost the appeal it once had. Nonetheless, the radical left still refers to the broad range of political actors that does not postpone the overthrow of Greek capitalism to a distant future but seeks to achieve it in today’s conditions. This is precisely the space from which there emerged the political forces who threatened the Greek bourgeoisie’s dominance and challenged the country’s participation in the European Monetary Union during the 2010s. By its very nature, the radical left includes both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary entities and movements. It is puerile to regard the objective of achieving parliamentary representation as a lack of political radicalism, as some seem to be thinking in Greece.
The first step, therefore, is to bring together those radical forces, giving them a strategic and not merely an electoral perspective. Such a move could quickly give new impetus to social struggles and open the way for broader political change. The long-term objective would be to enable the radical left to act as a catalyst for the broader alliances that Greece desperately needs to get out of the quagmire.
For such an effort to have positive results, especially in view of the protracted electoral battles that will take place in Greece in the coming months, there is a need to discuss the difficulties, disagreements, and issues that must be clarified. And the most fundamental issues have to do with the position and role of MeRA25.
MeRA25 narrowly managed to gain a parliamentary presence in 2019, but since then it has gradually shifted in a more radical direction, clarifying crucial aspects of its political outlook. Its leader now acknowledges that the EU cannot be reformed, hence it is necessary to have a break with its institutional framework, including the economic and monetary union. Varoufakis supports Greece’s withdrawal from NATO and opposes any involvement in the war in Ukraine. Furthermore, he has proclaimed a strategic aim of achieving liberation from capitalist relations and all forms of oppression.
WHAT ABOUT NEW PARTY MERA25?
MeRA25 combines these positions with an agenda put forward by some of the most significant global movements of recent years: feminism, LGBTQ+ activism, environmentalism, anti-racism and anti-fascism, and the defense of democratic rights and civil liberties.
This combination has acquired a certain coherence, leading to a gradual reshaping of the overall profile and even of the internal composition of MeRA25, bringing it closer to the radical left. This is a significant indication that we are indeed dealing with a “transformation and radicalization” of MeRA25, as its leader puts it.
The issues to be clarified remain significant, however. These do not relate so much to the origins of MeRA25, i.e., whether it has sprung out of the historical core of the Left, as Varoufakis seems to think. Rather, the main problem seems to be the conception of politics espoused by MeRA25, with the specific organizational structure and the political practice that flows from it.
This conception, to put it briefly, tends to reduce politics to an exercise in communication, focused on the activity of its leader, supplemented by the energy of its parliamentary group.
What distinguishes MeRA25 from the radical left lies precisely in the absence of an organized social presence and systematic political intervention in fields of strategic importance for working people and oppressed groups across society. Its activities do not strategically target trade union actions, popular mobilizations, ferment in universities and local communities — that is, the sites where social resistance is formed and social battles are fought.
This relative absence inhibits the necessary convergence of MeRA25 with the radical left. But the absence could potentially work in a reverse way. If there is political will to achieve unity, the combination could be the trigger for creating a new dynamic political pole anchored in social struggles. Such a pole could subvert the entire political structure in Greece
www.ekathimerini.com
current state of the Greek political system is the best guarantee for the continuation of the country’s decline. The right-wing New Democracy, led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis, has been in power since 2019, and is pushing a radical neoliberal and authoritarian agenda, further entrenching the results of the shock therapy of the preceding decade. The main opposition party is Syriza, which is trying to regain power with vague promises that would leave the existing policies essentially intact. And how could things be otherwise, given Syriza’s own record in government?
The Greek Communist Party (KKE), while still a significant militant force, remains unfortunately stuck in the same sectarian rut that it has followed for years, despite some timid openings in the field of social struggles. This is a dead-end that leads the KKE to a peculiar sort of political passivity and electoral stagnation, disguised by radical rhetoric.
MeRA25, the movement created by Yanis Varoufakis, has shown considerable ideological radicalization in recent years. But, as we shall go on to explain, there is no indication that this force can provide the necessary political answers on its own.
Finally, the extra-parliamentary left is deeply weakened and seems unable to overcome its chronic fragmentation. So far, it has proved unable to articulate a discourse that could reach a reasonably wide audience.
In short, the political outlook of Greece is far from inspiring at present. The trauma of the historic 2015 defeat has not been healed and overcoming it will require a great deal of effort.
It is certainly encouraging that during the last two years there has been a revival of social resistance, with some remarkable strike actions and struggles against authoritarianism and police repression. But these actions remain fragmented and defensive. Moreover, historical experience shows that social movements, although vital to social change, are not able to offer a comprehensive alternative to the country, especially after a historic defeat on the magnitude we have seen in Greece.
Political intervention is necessary to break the deadlock.
any alternative political proposal from the Left needs to address the entire spectrum of the forces resisting the course adopted by the country’s elites during the past decade. It must formulate policies that respond to the burning problems of Greek society. The quagmire faced by the country is so deep that only broad social and political alliances can address it.
For such a political proposal to have any hope of success, it must have at its core the convergence of the forces of the radical left.
Now, “radical left” is a term which, after Syriza’s humiliating capitulation in 2015, has rightly lost the appeal it once had. Nonetheless, the radical left still refers to the broad range of political actors that does not postpone the overthrow of Greek capitalism to a distant future but seeks to achieve it in today’s conditions. This is precisely the space from which there emerged the political forces who threatened the Greek bourgeoisie’s dominance and challenged the country’s participation in the European Monetary Union during the 2010s. By its very nature, the radical left includes both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary entities and movements. It is puerile to regard the objective of achieving parliamentary representation as a lack of political radicalism, as some seem to be thinking in Greece.
The first step, therefore, is to bring together those radical forces, giving them a strategic and not merely an electoral perspective. Such a move could quickly give new impetus to social struggles and open the way for broader political change. The long-term objective would be to enable the radical left to act as a catalyst for the broader alliances that Greece desperately needs to get out of the quagmire.
For such an effort to have positive results, especially in view of the protracted electoral battles that will take place in Greece in the coming months, there is a need to discuss the difficulties, disagreements, and issues that must be clarified. And the most fundamental issues have to do with the position and role of MeRA25.
MeRA25 narrowly managed to gain a parliamentary presence in 2019, but since then it has gradually shifted in a more radical direction, clarifying crucial aspects of its political outlook. Its leader now acknowledges that the EU cannot be reformed, hence it is necessary to have a break with its institutional framework, including the economic and monetary union. Varoufakis supports Greece’s withdrawal from NATO and opposes any involvement in the war in Ukraine. Furthermore, he has proclaimed a strategic aim of achieving liberation from capitalist relations and all forms of oppression.
WHAT ABOUT NEW PARTY MERA25?
MeRA25 combines these positions with an agenda put forward by some of the most significant global movements of recent years: feminism, LGBTQ+ activism, environmentalism, anti-racism and anti-fascism, and the defense of democratic rights and civil liberties.
This combination has acquired a certain coherence, leading to a gradual reshaping of the overall profile and even of the internal composition of MeRA25, bringing it closer to the radical left. This is a significant indication that we are indeed dealing with a “transformation and radicalization” of MeRA25, as its leader puts it.
The issues to be clarified remain significant, however. These do not relate so much to the origins of MeRA25, i.e., whether it has sprung out of the historical core of the Left, as Varoufakis seems to think. Rather, the main problem seems to be the conception of politics espoused by MeRA25, with the specific organizational structure and the political practice that flows from it.
This conception, to put it briefly, tends to reduce politics to an exercise in communication, focused on the activity of its leader, supplemented by the energy of its parliamentary group.
What distinguishes MeRA25 from the radical left lies precisely in the absence of an organized social presence and systematic political intervention in fields of strategic importance for working people and oppressed groups across society. Its activities do not strategically target trade union actions, popular mobilizations, ferment in universities and local communities — that is, the sites where social resistance is formed and social battles are fought.
This relative absence inhibits the necessary convergence of MeRA25 with the radical left. But the absence could potentially work in a reverse way. If there is political will to achieve unity, the combination could be the trigger for creating a new dynamic political pole anchored in social struggles. Such a pole could subvert the entire political structure in Greece
‘Greece has significant growth potential’ in many sectors | eKathimerini.com
Greece has significant growth potential in various sectors. Tourism, telecommunications, health, energy and education are some of those of greatest interest.
www.ekathimerini.com
