P F Tinmore, et al,
Yes, good observation.
You are connecting rights to 1988 when that is past the time stated in UN resolutions.
(COMMENT)
There are a couple reasons for that.
1. Prior to 1988, and after 1950, the Palestinian People exercised their right of self-determination:
- On April 11, 1950, elections were held for a new Jordanian parliament in which the Palestinian Arabs of the West Bank were equally represented. Thirteen days later, Parliament unanimously approved a motion to unite the two banks of the Jordan River, constitutionally expanding the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in order to safeguard what was left of the Arab territory of Palestine from further Zionist expansion.
- In General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV), entitled “Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations”, which reflects customary international law (Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), Merits, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1986, pp. 101-103, paras. 191-193), the General Assembly reiterated “[t]he principle that States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State”. This resolution then enumerated various obligations incumbent upon States to refrain from violating the territorial integrity of other sovereign States. In the same vein, the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe of 1 August 1975 (the Helsinki Conference) stipulated that “[t]he participating States will respect the territorial integrity of each of the participating States” (Art. IV). Thus, the scope of the principle of territorial integrity is confined to the sphere of relations between States. The Palestinians did not declare independence as a "state" until 1988.
- Prior to 1974, there was no common voice speaking with legal competence and authority for the Palestinian People.
2. The 1996
General Assembly Resolution 50/172. Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes --- mention the Palestinians only once:
- Reaffirming also, in this context, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination,
It is the 1997
General Assembly Resolution 51/190. Permanent sovereignty of the Palestinian people in the occupied Palestinian territory, including Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan over their natural resources... which speaks directly to the Palestinian situation. And it is guided by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, affirming the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force, and recalling Security Council resolutions, including:
UN Security Council Resolutions 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 (sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence)
√ At the time of this Resolution, Israel was the Occupying Power over Jordanian Sovereign territory.
UN Security Council Resolution 446 (1979) of 22 March 1979, (Israel, as the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously by the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention)
√ At the time and still today, the Palestinian Jihadist and Fedayeen argue the validity of the Geneva Convention, as it contains penalties for attacks on the Occupation Power.
√ There is an argument to be made that Israel does not Occupy the Gaza Strip, or Areas "A" and "B" - West Bank, by the definition of Article 42 of the Hague Convention.
UN Security Council Resolutions 465 (1980) of 1 March 1980,
√
Deeply concerned over the practices of the Israeli authorities in implementing that settlement policy in the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem,
UN Security Council Resolutions 497 (1981) of 17 December 1981,
√
Decides that the Israeli decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction and administration in the occupied Syrian Golan Heights is null and void.
No representative of the Palestinian People had made a bid, on behalf of the Palestinian People, for Independence and Sovereignty through the right of self-determination without external influence prior to 1988. And only UNSC Resolution 242, speaks to "sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence" issues --- but does not specifically apply them to the Arab Palestinian.
I am not sure which particular Resolution you had in mind when you say: "is past the time stated in UN resolutions." But even UNSC 242 does not specifically grant the Palestinians any special recognition. The Palestinians are not mentioned once.
Most Respectfully,
R
"No representative of the Palestinian People had made a bid, on behalf of the Palestinian People, for Independence and Sovereignty through the right of self-determination without external influence prior to 1988."
As usual, Rocco, you either don't know what you are talking about, or you are a pathological liar.
[Cmd. 1700.]
PALESTINE.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE PALESTINE ARAB
DELEGATION AND THE ZIONIST ORGANISATION.
No. 1.
The Palestine Arab Delegation to the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
HOTEL CECIL,
London, W.C.,
February 21st, 1922.
Sir,
We wish to express our thanks to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies, for his courtesy in allowing us to see the draft of a proposed Palestine Order in Council embodying a scheme of Government for Palestine, and to discuss the same
in our capacity of representatives of the Arab People of Palestine.
We would, therefore, submit the following observations:—
Whilst the position in Palestine is, as it stands to-day, with the British Government holding authority by an occupying force, and using that authority to impose upon the people against their wishes a great immigration of alien Jews, many of them of a Bolshevik revolutionary type, no constitution which would fall short of giving the People of Palestine full control of their own affairs could be acceptable.
If the British Government would revise their present policy in Palestine, end the Zionist
con-dominium, put a stop to all alien immigration and grant the People of Palestine — who by Right and Experience are the best judges of what is good and bad to their country — Executive and Legislative powers, the terms of a constitution could be discussed in a different atmosphere.
If to-day the People of Palestine assented to any constitution which fell short of giving them full control of their own affairs they would be in the position of agreeing to an instrument of Government which might, and probably would, be used to smother their national life under a flood of alien immigration.
We, therefore, hold that the proposed constitution is wholly unsatisfactory, because:—
(a) In the preamble to the Palestine Order in Council "the declaration of November 2nd, 1917, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish People" is made a basis for this Order; the People of Palestine cannot accept this Declaration as a basis for discussion.
(b) In Articles 4-9 of the Order dealing with the manner of appointment of the High Commissioner and his powers, Palestine is considered as a colony of the lowest order, whereas according to paragraph 4 of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, Palestine comes under Grade A, where "certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone."
(c) The Executive, dealt with in Articles 10-16, is in no way responsible to the Legislative Council.
(d) Articles 17-28 dealing with the Legislative Council prescribe that this Council "shall consist of 25 members in addition to the High Commissioner"—"who shall exercise a casting vote, in case of an equality of votes." This brings the total number of votes to 27. Of these, 10 shall be official members holding office under the High Commissioner, and two members shall be nominated by him. Thus the High Commissioner commands 14 out of the 27 votes. Of the 12 elected members there will probably be 10 or 11 that would represent the Arab majority, who would be unable to carry any measure against the official preponderance of votes.
It is thus apparent that too much power is given to a High Commissioner whom we will suppose is impartial. But when, as is the case with the present High Commissioner, he is a Zionist,
i.e. a member of the organisation which is prompting the flood of alien Jew immigration into Palestine, whose officials as well as those members appointed by him must, naturally, carry out his policy, and when one or two of the 12 elected members will most probably be Zionists, then the Zionist policy of the Government will be carried out under a constitutional guise, whereas at present it is illegal, against the rights and wishes of the people, and maintained by force of arms alone.
Article 22 gives the High Commissioner the power at any time to prorogue or dissolve the Council, without the provision that he must call a new Council within a stated time.
Article 23 gives the High Commissioner the right to veto any measure passed by the Council.
We further submit in this connection that it is not in keeping with the constitutional spirit to place the Head of the Executive at the head of the Legislative and to introduce into this latter, as members, officials of the State. This invariably leads to the Executive becoming arbitrary since it is placed in the position of accused and judge at the same time.
We also notice with astonishment that 10 members constitute a
quorum. This is less than half the total number of Members, and makes it possible for the 10 official members to carry on the work of legislation should circumstances, for any reason whatever, prevent the other members from being present. In which case the power of the Legislative Council becomes a mere shadow and not a reality.
(e) By the provisions of Articles 33, 46 and 67, Palestine is considered as a Crown Colony, and the High Commissioner as the Governor of a Colony or British possession with the rights of confirming sentences of death, of deporting any person without trial and without allowing that person the right of appeal against the order for deportation.
(f) The recognition of Hebrew as an official language of the State as in Article 80 is another proof of the desire to foster Zionist nationalism in Palestine, when only about 10 per cent, of the present Jewish inhabitants of the country speak that language. This innovation is wholly unwarranted and adds to the expenses of the State, which derives its main revenues from the Arab population.
(g) The High Commissioner by Article 81 is given the power to obstruct any appeal to the League of Nations.
(h) Lastly, we read in Article 83 that the High Commissioner may, after obtaining the approval of the Secretary of State, vary, annul or add to the provisions of this Order in Council. These powers of the High Commissioner render this Order in Council as if it had not been.
For these reasons we find that no useful purpose would be served by discussing in detail the draft of "The Palestine Order in Council, 1922."
The Delegation requests that the constitution for Palestine should—
(1) Safeguard the civil, political and economic interests of the People.
(2) Provide for the creation of a national independent Government in accordance with the spirit of paragraph 4, Article 22, of the Covenant of the League of Nations.
(3) Safeguard the legal rights of foreigners.
(4) Guarantee religious equality to all peoples.
(5) Guarantee the rights of minorities.
(6) Guarantee the rights of the Assisting Power.
The Delegation is quite confident that the justice of the British Government and its sense of fair play will make it consider the above remarks with a sympathetic mind, since the Delegation's chief object is to lay in Palestine the foundation of a stable Government that would command the respect of the inhabitants and guarantee peace and prosperity to all.
The Delegation would request, in conclusion, that the Secretary of State would be good enough to communicate to them his views on their remarks and the next step to be taken in the matter.
We have, &c.,
for THE PALESTINE ARAB DELEGATION,
MOUSSA KAZIM EL HUSSEINI, President.
SHIBLY JAMAL, Secretary.
- See more at:
UK correspondence with Palestine Arab Delegation and Zionist Organization British policy in Palestine Churchill White Paper - UK documentation Cmd. 1700 Non-UN document excerpts 1 July 1922