I do not buy Loose Change's controlled demolition theory, or MIHOP. But I do adhere to "Let it Happen on Purpose" , which is far more court-admissible and convincing. Attempting to dismiss the vast array of overlapping "coincidences" is akin to being dealt a pocket pair 100 times in a row, and insisting it's totally plausible.
In order to support the official version of the 911 attacks, one must - by necessity - find a way in which to dismiss as irrelevant, explain, excuse or be unaware of each the following aspects of the mass murder that changed the world:
That numerous, high-level failures to heed repeated warnings of an unprecedented, impending terrorist attack on American soil from a bevy of reliable intelligence sources - including eleven foreign State Security services - was either a breakdown of the system or as a result of "warnings fatigue".
With a US intelligence system "blinking red as never before", according to CIA director George Tenet in the months and weeks preceding the 911 attacks, the entire Bush inner circle had reason to dismiss no less than forty Daily Presidential Briefs that specifically addressed an impending, large-scale attack by al Qaeda and/or Osama bin laden affiliated operatives on American soil - and were not considered important or specific enough to act upon.
That chief anti-terrorism expert Richard Clarke, working closely with three previous US presidents, was removed from president Bush's inner circle only months before the 911 attacks by national Security Advisor Condalezza Rice, and was merely an unfortunate coincidence.
That the often repeated claim, immediately following the 911 attacks, that "no one could have anticipated such an attack" by Bush, Cheney, Rice, Rumsfeld, Fleisher and other top administration officials was understandable - even though the US military and intelligence services had recently anticipated exactly such an attack, specifically at the Pentagon and at the World Trade Center complex - and was meaningless because these drills were conducted during the previous administration.
That several key investigations into suspicious Muslim men taking flight training, "but not particularily interested in learning to land and take off", were hindered by mid and upper FBI level field managers out of fear of being accused of "racial profiling".
That an extensive intelligence operation dubbed 'Able Danger', that had gathered broad information on those men than would later become hijackers on 911, was discontinued and the files destroyed before the attacks, (with no explanation offered, and US intelligence agents involved not called to testify), was but a coincidence - or was of no importance.
That vice president Cheney being charged with command and control of all US air defense training and coordination, (an unprecedent assignment of official power a US vice president), four months before the 911 attacks was simply a coincidence.
That the long-established protocols for intecepting errant aircraft over US soil were subtly changed three months before the 911 attacks and was but an unfortunate coincidence.
That the air defense training drills that were in progress on 911, (critical in the failures to mount a military response to the attacks), being originally scheduled for October of 2001 but re-scheduled for the week of 9-10-2001 was merely a coincidence and bad timing.
That of the six major, extensive air training drills that were in progress far from Washington and NYC, only one was briefly mentioned in a footnote in the 911 Commission's final report and was either perfectly appropriate or a careless oversight.
That air drills in progress hundreds of miles from Washington and NYC required the injection of hundreds of phantom radar blips into the civilian radar network, (that made locating the hijacked airliners impossible), was but an unforunate coincidence.
That with an unprecedent number of intellience warnings about an impending terrorist attack on American soil - many that were specific enough to mention potential hijackings - the US air defense drills that left the nation's capital and the Northeast United States vulnerable to air attack went ahead, and were as a result of poor planning - and another unfortunate coincidence.
That (former) National Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta's testimony before the 911 Commission, that sharply contradicted vice president Cheney's version of the critical timetable that day, was of no imortance - and therefore, was appropriate to delete from the transcript, the 911 Commission's final report and video archives.
That the three and a half hour testimony by fired FBI translator Sibel Edmunds before the 911 Commission, detailing a deep culture of corruption and widespread intelligence manipulation in the FBI, (and the fact that she was gagged by a federal court order), was of no consequence.
That the well-confirmed $100,000 wire transfer to lead hijacker Mohammad Atta, only days before the 911 attacks, authorized by Pakistan's intelligence chief General Mahmoud Ahmed was of no importance to US law-enforcement officials, intelligence agencies, the Bush administration or the 911 Commission in it's final report.
That for fourteen months, president Bush and his inner circle strenuously objected to, and did everything possible to prevent an independent investigation into the sequence of events and failures surrounding the 911 attacks because it would be a distraction, or according to Bush, "may reveal too many national security secrets".
That a twenty-eight page report detailing the decades long business and family ties between the Bush family and the Saudi Arabian Royal family, (who's country, fifteen of the nineteen hijackers originated), and the bin Laden family, (the accused in the 911 attacks), was of no relevance and merited no mention in the 911 Commission's final report.
That a phone call to (then) democratic congressional leader senator Tom Dashle from president Bush, warning that the congressional investigation into the 911 attacks could become a major distraction with upcoming elections, was of no consequence.
That another call, several days later, by vice president Dick Cheney to Senator Tom Dashle, (overheard by a local reporter on the speakerphone), warning the senator that the democratic party would "pay a high price" if the congressional investigation into the 911 attacks was "of too much depth", was of no significance and politics as usual.
That an initial three million dollar appropriation, (later, reluctantly raised to fifteen million dollars), to finance the 911 Commission, (when the Columbia Space Shuttle disaster and investigation of Clinton wrongdoing in 1996 were both in excess of fifty million dollars each), and that these amounts were appropriate considering the breadth and importance of each investigation.
That a large, lumbering passanger jet reversed course, (after it was confirmed to have been hijacked and after both towers of the World Trade Center had been struck by airliners), and flew for over 275 miles and 35 minutes directly toward the nation's capital with no military response and crashed into likely the most defended building in the United States, the Pentagon., but was an unfortunate breakdown of procedures and communications.
That the geopolitical objectives and philosophy laid out in the PNAC document titled, "Rebuilding America's Defenses"(signed and endorsed by Cheney, Wolfowitz, Rumsfeld and other key, top-level officials), along with the 'Defense Planning Guidance', (or Wolfowitz Doctrine), co-written with former US defense secretary Dick Cheney, that espoused expanded US global military capabilities and ventures that have actually occured as a result of the 911 attacks was, and is, of no consequence - or mere coincidence.
Each of these aspects before, during and following the attacks must be excused, justified or explained by those that continue to support the official US government version of the events surrounding the 911 attacks on America.