Haidt’s work is instrumental to a revolution of increasing understanding of human social behavior that’s taking place within the social sciences, from which we’re learning a lot about ourselves, each other, and the political divide. Of course, unlike the natural sciences, there’s little in social science that’s black and white. Rather, all is shades of grey. Distinctions are made not in terms of mathematical formulas that can predict outcomes of physical experiments, but rather in terms of statistically significant trends and tendencies, averages and aggregates. That said, as Haidt describes in The Righteous Mind, the terms liberal and conservative are valid distinctions about which there are some things we know.
Based on The Righteous Mind and other books like
Descartes’ Error by Damasio,
Predisposed by Hibbing, Smith, and Alford,
Predictably Irrational by Ariely,
Our Political Nature by Tuschman,
Moral Tribes by Greene,
Thinking Fast and Slow by Kahneman,
A Conflict of Visions by Sowell, and
Coming Apart by Murray, it’s clear that just as there are three basic body types – ectomorph, endomorph, and mesomorph – so too are there three basic brain types. The brain types are defined by the three sets of psychological predispositions, traits, and styles of thought that we currently label liberal, conservative, and libertarian.
But those psychologies are not one and the same with the ideologies that we
also label liberal, conservative, and libertarian. Psychologies are mostly inside-the-mind stuff but ideologies include lots of outside-the-mind stuff that's shared among their adherents, including the understanding of human nature and the sacred values that are reflected in the ideology’s vision of what the world is and what it can be. These visions are what Haidt calls grand narratives.
To emphasize: Liberalism, conservatism, and libertarianism, rightly understood, are three different brain types; three different sets of cognitive wirings that perceive, intuit, and reason about the social world in three distinctly different ways. These three brain types are among the “certain conditions” from which flow the
ideologies that we ALSO (unfortunately) label liberalism, conservatism, and libertarianism, and the economic ideologies of socialism and capitalism.
Among the psychological predispositions, traits, etc., that define the brain types are Haidt’s moral foundations.
Moral foundations are tools of subconscious intuition. They operate like little radars, constantly scanning the social environment for patters of behaviors and ideas that presented opportunities/threats to our genetic ancestors and sending flashes of intuition to consciousness when such patterns are detected. Intuitive thought happens automatically and instantaneously.
Moral foundations are also some of the primary tools of conscious reason. Unlike intuition, reason is not automatic and instantaneous; it requires language, the construction of a logical argument, and importantly, the time to do it. The chief purpose of reason is to construct the arguments we use to justify and defend our own intuitions, and to try to convince others that our intuitions are the right ones. Reason evolved to help us win arguments, not to help us find truth. (
The Argumentative Theory Edge.org ) Reason is always, and can only ever be, a post-hoc rationalization of intuitions already felt and decisions already made. Reason follows intuition, in every sense of the word “follows.”
In short, moral foundations define the limits and the extent of our cognitive universe of social thought – the “performance envelope,” if you will, of our ability to perceive, intuitively grasp, and consciously understand the social world around us.
According to Haidt’s research, the liberal brain is wired to employ the care, fairness, and liberty foundations, and of these mostly just care. For liberals, the loyalty, authority, and sanctity foundations not only fail to resonate, but further, tend to be seen only, or at least mostly, as tools of oppression, and are thus rejected as immoral. The conservative brain, on the other hand, is wired to employ all of the naturally selected cognitive modules of social awareness at roughly the same level that the liberal brain employs only care.
A Venn diagram of the social cognitive tools of liberalism and conservatism would represent liberalism as a circle around the first three foundations and conservatism as a larger circle around all six foundations, completely enveloping liberalism. There’s no liberal foundation that’s not also a conservative foundation, but half the conservative foundations are external to the liberal universe of social cognition.
Given these social science findings, some of the things we observe about the liberal righteous mind make sense.
For example, on page 334 of The Righteous Mind, Haidt explains:
In a study I did with Jesse Graham and Brian Nosek, we tested how well liberals and conservatives could understand each other. We asked more than two thousand American visitors to fill out the Moral Foundations Questionnaire. One-third of the time they were asked to fill it out normally, answering as themselves. One-third of the time they were asked to fill it out as they think a "typical liberal" would respond. One-third of the time they were asked to fill it out as a "typical conservative" would respond. This design allowed us to examine the stereotypes that each side held about the other. More important, it allowed us to assess how accurate they were by comparing people's expectations about "typical" partisans to the actual responses from partisans on the left and the right)' Who was best able to pretend to be the other?
The results were clear and consistent. Moderates and conservatives were most accurate in their predictions, whether they were pretending to be liberals or conservatives. Liberals were the least accurate, especially those who described themselves as "very liberal." The biggest errors in the whole study came when liberals answered the Care and Fairness questions while pretending to be conservatives. Liberals were the least accurate, especially those who described themselves as "very liberal." The biggest errors in the whole study came when liberals answered the Care and Fairness questions while pretending to be conservatives. When faced with questions such as "One of the worst things a person could do is hurt a defenseless animal" or ''Justice is the most important requirement for a society," liberals assumed that conservatives would disagree.
The Chronicle of Higher Education observed that Haidt’s research “gainsays one of the central claims of liberals, that is, that liberals are more open-minded, empathetic, imaginative, and tolerant than conservatives are. The study indicates, rather, that when it comes to facing the other side, liberals lean toward caricatures and extreme cases, and this tendency rises the more liberal they are. (
Liberals Conservatives and the Haidt Results Brainstorm - Blogs - The Chronicle of Higher Education )
According to Merriam-Webster dictionary (
Empathy Definition of empathy by Merriam-Webster , empathy is
“the action of understanding, being aware of, being sensitive to, and vicariously experiencing the feelings, thoughts, and experience of another of either the past or present without having the feelings, thoughts, and experience fully communicated in an objectively explicit manner; also : the capacity for this.”
By this definition, then, it is clear that conservatives have more empathy for others than do liberals.
It also makes sense, as Haidt observed on the Bill Moyers and Steven Colbert TV shows (
Jonathan Haidt Explains Our Contentious Culture Moyers Company BillMoyers.com and
Jonathan Haidt - The Colbert Report - Video Clip Comedy Central ) that conservatives understand human nature itself better than do liberals. It follows from his findings. The fewer psychological mechanisms of social perception, intuition, and reasoning one employs the less aware one is of the social world those mechanisms evolved to detect.
It makes sense that liberals score higher on the personality trait of openness than do conservatives. When half the cognitive modules of social awareness and reasoning are switched off or turned down it’s only natural to be open to all sorts of thoughts and behaviors that folks with the full suite of modules would be more wary of. It’s important to understand what the term “openness” really means from a psychological standpoint. “Openness” denotes a point on the scale of sensitivity toward social threats and opportunities. The opposite of “openness,” therefore, is not closed mindedness; rather, it is heightened awareness. The fact that Liberals are measurably higher on openness means by definition that they are necessarily lower on social awareness.
It makes sense that liberals have historically tended to think of conservatives as bad people, whereas conservatives have historically tended to think of liberals as well intentioned people with bad ideas. (Thomas Sowell documents several examples of this throughout history in his books
A Conflict of Visions and
The Vision of the Anointed, and here:
Fact-Free Liberals Part IV - Thomas Sowell - Page full ). When half the moral foundations are external to one’s universe of social thought one is left with practically no logical alternative but to conclude that people who think differently must be, can only be, afflicted with some sort of psychological, emotional, cognitive, or moral handicap like racism, classism, sexism, homophobia, general bigotry, small mindedness, etc., etc., etc.
And since liberals “know” that non-liberal ideas are the result of a moral handicap it follows that liberals might feel not only justified but morally obligated to prevent those ideas - and the people who hold them - from being accepted into “polite” public discourse. This explains why so many overwhelmingly liberal colleges “disinvite” conservative speakers, turn a cold shoulder toward standup comedians who don’t toe the PC line (
Why some comedians don t like college campuses - CNN.com ), and essentially try to banish non-liberal thought from campus. It also explains why liberals seek to deprive non-liberals of their livelihoods, as they’ve famously done to bakers and photographers and even to Mozilla’s CEO. It’s the mindset of the French Revolution that Haidt described when he spoke at Stanford University’s Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and Education (CCARE), only without the guillotines. Since its birth during the Enlightenment, Liberalism has been ever thus. (
Jonathan Haidt Archives - The Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and EducationThe Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and Education ) Liberal logic has forever gone something like this: morality starts and ends with “care,” which is to say with liberalism, which is to say that non-liberals are immoral, and therefore liberals are morally obligated to extirpate from society non-liberal ideas and those who hold them.
It’s as Haidt says in his analysis of his study which showed that conservatives understand liberals better than the other way around (Page 335):
If you have a moral matrix built primarily on intuitions about care and fairness (as equality), and you listen
to the [conservative] Reagan narrative, what else could you think? Reagan seems completely unconcerned about the welfare of drug addicts, poor people, and gay people. He's more interested in fighting wars and telling people how to run their sex lives.
If you don't see that [conservatives are] pursuing positive values of Loyalty, Authority, and Sanctity, you almost have to conclude that Republicans see no positive value in Care and Fairness. You might even go as far as Michael Feingold, a theater critic for the liberal newspaper the Village Voice, when he wrote:
Republicans don’t believe in the imagination, partly because so few of them have one, but mostly because it gets in the way of their chosen work, which is to destroy the human race and the planet. Human beings, who have imaginations, can see a recipe for disaster in the making; Republicans, whose goal in life is to profit from disaster and who don’t give a hoot about human beings, either can’t or won’t. Which is why I personally think they should be exterminated before they cause any more harm)
One of the many ironies in this quotation is that it shows the inability of a theater critic-who skillfully enters fantastical imaginary worlds for a living-to imagine that Republicans act within a moral matrix that differs from his own.
A conversation about social issues between a liberal and a conservative is like a conversation about rainbows between a colorblind person and a fully sighted one, in which the colorblind person simply “knows” that the fully sighted person is an extremist whacko nut case because he sees social colors that self-evidently simply don’t exist. Liberal “knowledge” about conservatives and human nature says more about the moral myopia of the liberal righteous mind than it says about anything conservatives actually think, say, or do.
R. R. Reno captured the situation well in his review of
The Righteous Mind when he said:
Our One-Eyed Friends by R. R. Reno Articles First Things
“Thus the profound problem we face. Liberalism is blind in one eye yet it insists on the superiority of its vision and its supreme right to rule. It cannot see half the things a governing philosophy must see, and claims that those who see both halves are thereby unqualified to govern.”