1. The fact that you keep dancing around like a coward is that Nixon, instead of pandering to southern racists, desegregated southern schools ASAP.
Nixon did no such thing, the courts did. Nixon was the guy who had to resign because he wasn't clear on the whole "abuse of power" thing.
Whatever caused the South to flip, Nixon was NOT pandering to southern racists.
That is a lie lefties like you tell blacks to keep them afraid.
Naw, what keeps black afraid is when cops shoot their children... and no one is held accountable.
2. It is not scaremongering when a moronic liberals is letting murderers out to assault, stab and rape citizens.
Um, yeah, it is when you lie about the facts of the case, which is what Atwater did.
Hey, Atwater apologized before he met his maker, why are you still arguing this again?
1. That right wing rag, the New York Times.
How a Republican Desegregated the South's Schools
"In 1970, seven states -- Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina and South Carolina -- continued to enforce the dual school system. This was in clear defiance of the Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, which declared dual school systems to be unconstitutional. It was also in defiance of a 1969 court decision ordering an end to further delay.
If it's possible to imagine, the subject of desegregation was becoming more inflamed by the day. In March 1970, President Richard M. Nixon decided to take action. He declared Brown to be ''right in both constitutional and human terms'' and expressed his intention to enforce the law. He also put in place a process to carry out the court's mandate. Vice President Spiro T. Agnew and I (then secretary of labor) were asked to lead a cabinet committee to manage the transition to desegregated schools.
The vice president said he wanted no part of this effort. So I became its de facto chairman, with help from Daniel Patrick Moynihan, then a counselor to the president, and Leonard Garment, one of the president's lawyers. With the president's support, we formed biracial committees in each of the seven states. The idea was to reach out to key leaders. Many were reluctant to serve, the whites fearing too close an association with desegregation, the blacks concerned that the committee might be a sham.
The first group to come to Washington was from Mississippi. We met in the Roosevelt Room of the White House, across the hall from the Oval Office. The discussion was civil, but deep divisions were evident. I let them argue for a while. Then, by prearrangement, I had John Mitchell, the attorney general, drop by. He was known in the South as a tough guy, and on the whole was regarded by whites as sympathetic to their cause. I asked Mitchell what he planned to do about the schools. ''I am attorney general, and I will enforce the law,'' he growled in his gruff, pipe-smoking way. He offered no judgments about whether this was good, bad or indifferent. ''I will enforce the law,'' he repeated. With that, he left.
I then addressed the group. ''This discussion has been intense and revealing, but you can see that it's not really relevant,'' I told them. ''The fact is, desegregation is going to happen, whether you like it or not. You have a great stake in seeing that this effort is managed in a reasonable way.'' Gradually, the discussion shifted to more operational issues.
When lunchtime arrived, I took the group to the diplomatic reception rooms in the State Department, taking pains to point out to them the desk on which Thomas Jefferson wrote parts of the Declaration of Independence. I sat with the two people I wanted to lead the Mississippi advisory committee: Warren Hood, president of the Mississippi Manufacturers Association, and Dr. Gilbert Mason, a black physician and head of the Biloxi chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. I argued that if they would accept, the committee would have great credibility with whites and blacks.
I could see they were beginning to talk constructively to each other, so I left them alone. As lunch ended, I was pleased to see them shaking hands. We were in business.
After we returned to the White House, members of the delegation started to make suggestions about how to handle various problems. I mentioned that we had created a small kitty out of Department of Health, Education and Welfare funds -- if they had minor expenditures, I could provide some money quickly. That seemed to help.
When the time was right, I let President Nixon know that we were ready for him. We walked across the hall into the Oval Office, where the president gathered his guests around his desk. ''We live in a great democracy where authority and responsibility are shared,'' I remember him saying. ''Just as decisions are made here in this office, decisions are made throughout the states and communities of our country. You are leaders in those communities and you have to step up to your responsibilities. '' They left the Oval Office inspired."
"
Vice President Agnew warned the president not to go. There you will be in that room, Mr. President, I recall him saying. Half the people there will be black; half will be white. Pictures will be taken. When the schools open, there will be blood running through the streets of the South, and if you go, this will be blood on your hands. This is not your issue. This is the issue of the liberals who have pushed for desegregation. Stay away.
The president looked at me. I told him what was obvious: I can't predict what will happen. The vice president may very well be right about violence, but you're the president of the whole country. We should do everything we can to see that the schools open and operate peacefully and well.
The president decided to go ahead."
"
In the end, the school openings were peaceful, to the amazement of almost everyone. I was not the only one impressed.
In ''One of Us: Richard Nixon and the American Dream,'' Tom Wicker, a former columnist for The Times, assessed the president's efforts. ''There's no doubt about it -- the Nixon administration accomplished more in 1970 to desegregate Southern school systems than had been done in the 16 previous years, or probably since,'' he wrote. ''There's no doubt either that it was Richard Nixon personally who conceived, orchestrated and led the administration's desegregation effort. Halting and uncertain before he finally asserted strong control, that effort resulted in probably the outstanding domestic achievement of his administration.''
Your entire world view is based on lies.
2. And an attempt at distraction. The SOuthern Strategy is a vile lie you lefties tell blacks to keep them afraid.
3. Dukakis let Horton out and he assaulted and stabbed and raped. Pointing out that a liberal candidate has a record of letting murderers out to assault and stab and rape is not racist or fear mongering. lt is informing the people about the truth of the choice between them, and who dangerous it is to give any power to moron liberals.