Annie
Diamond Member
- Nov 22, 2003
- 50,848
- 4,828
- 1,790
I think there is something to this. My view of the 2nd amendment, it keeps the government aware that they shouldn't take us less than seriously, when aroused:
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/glenn_reynolds/2006/03/a_new_international_human_righ.html
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/glenn_reynolds/2006/03/a_new_international_human_righ.html
Armed against genocide
In the light of international inactivity over Darfur, many people are looking at the prospects of self-help for groups targeted for mass killings.
Glenn Reynolds
Articles
* Latest
* Show all
Profile
Webfeed
All Glenn Reynolds articles
About Webfeeds
March 20, 2006 05:45 PM
It's genocide in Darfur - Brian Brivati is correct to call it a "slow-motion Rwanda" - and as usual, the "international community" is doing nothing. That's no surprise, really, as the international community didn't act over Rwanda, or Cambodia, or any number of other genocides since the second world war. (Even Bosnia elicited little more than tongue-clucking until the US got involved.)
Given that we were supposed to be ensuring that things like the Holocaust would never happen again, this is a pretty damning indictment of the United Nations-centred postwar international order. Some people are talking about structural reform to make the international establishment more responsive in cases of genocide, as a result. I wish them well, but I hold out little hope for their success. The UN is looking as useless in the face of genocide as the League Of Nations was when confronted with Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia.
Instead, I note that many people are looking at the prospect of self-help for victims of genocide. Writing in the Washington University Law Quarterly, human rights lawyer Don Kates and law school dean Daniel Polsby note that genocides are generally perpetrated against disarmed populations:
The question of genocide is one of manifest importance in the closing years of a century that has been extraordinary for the quality and quantity of its bloodshed. As Elie Wiesel has rightly pointed out, "This century is the most violent in recorded history. Never have so many people participated in the killing of so many people." Recent events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and many other parts of the world make it clear that the book has not yet been closed on the evil of official mass murder. Contemporary scholars have little explored the preconditions of genocide. Still less have they asked whether a society's weapons policy might be one of the institutional arrangements that contributes to the probability of its government engaging in some of the more extreme varieties of outrage. Though it is a long step between being disarmed and being murdered - one does not usually lead to the other - but it is nevertheless an arresting reality that not one of the principal genocides of the 20th century, and there have been dozens, has been inflicted on a population that was armed.
Nor should this be altogether surprising. An armed population is simply more difficult to exterminate than one that is defenceless. This is not to say that the plans of a government resolved to eradicate an ethnic or political minority would necessarily be precluded by armed resistance. As elsewhere in life, raising the cost of a behaviour, whether genocide, smoking cigarettes or anything in between, merely makes that behaviour more unusual than it would otherwise be, not impossible for those willing and able to pay the price. No specific form of social organisation will ever make genocide or any other evil literally impossible. Nevertheless, because most important questions are matters of degree, it is still worth inquiring into the connection between the virulence of a government and the degree of its effective monopoly on deadly force. And it is especially timely to do so now, in the wake of Oklahoma City, the "Republic of Texas" incident and the increased public attention these have brought to the enigmatic civic denominations from which these plots evidently emerged, because now the philosophical and historical context that links genocide with the state of civilian arms has tended to become obscured.
This led me to speculate a few years ago that the right of people to be armed to resist genocide should perhaps be regarded as the next international human right.
An article forthcoming in the Notre Dame Law Review takes a much deeper look (pdf) at that very question, with particular emphasis on Darfur, and notes that the victims of the genocide are effectively disarmed by law and international embargo while the perpetrating janjaweed militias are armed and financed (as is common in genocides) by the Sudanese government. For the people of Darfur, relying on the government to protect them is absurd, as the government is behind their murder. Relying on the international community, on the other hand, is absurd because the international community is - at the most charitable - absurd. In fact, as is also the case with most genocides, much of the international community is complicit, at least to the extent of turning a blind eye to conduct that would otherwise imperil important government contracts, or oil ventures.
Given that this sort of behaviour is par for the course when genocides occur, who would dare to say that the inhabitants of Darfur do not have a right to arm themselves and resist their killers with force?