There is an interesting article in the Washington Post presenting the case for a situation in which a President may go ahead and appoint a Supreme Court nominee.
Essentially, it says that an argument can be made that a Congress that refuses to advise and consent abandons its responsibility and, therefore, any censure.
Fascinating argument.
Why was it okay for Obama to filibuster Alito?
White House: Obama 'regrets' his filibuster of Supreme ...
Democrats started the downward spiral of the confirmation process with Bork.
That said- both Democrats and Republicans have enthusiastically embraced politicizing the confirmation process into the circus it is ever since Bork.
The current Senate's refusal to even pretend to consider confirmation is just the ultimate expression of the politicization.
What will the Senate do next?
Probably we will get to the point where regardless of the nominee, the party opposite the President will emulate McConnell and just refuse to hold any confirmation hearings until a President of their own party is elected.
And
the majority party will have its way in the Senate just
like it has always been.
Red:
I don't have a problem with the majority party having its way as goes the Senate's decision regarding any matter brought to the floor for the whole body to consider. Simply not allowing the whole body to officially weigh in on matters is what I find unacceptable and a dereliction of the duty granted to the sitting Senators.
Blue:
Now would not be too soon to put an end to the silliness that has always been. I had rather the end came sooner, but it has not.
Pink:
I realize you more or less concur that the Senate should at least debate the nomination and put it to a vote. All the same, that doesn't make the Bork nomination much the same from a procedural standpoint, which is what is at issue re: Judge Garland's appointment to the SCOTUS.
The Bork confirmation process cannot be seen as the start of a "downward spiral" as goes judicial confirmations. The man's nomination was considered and voted upon in committee. His nomination was rejected in committee by a 9-5 vote. Bork, feeling he didn't "get his due" in committee, then advocated for his nomination to nonetheless be considered by the full Senate, saying:
There should be a full debate and a final Senate decision. In deciding on this course, I harbor no illusions. But a crucial principle is at stake. That principle is the way we select the men and women who guard the liberties of all the American people. That should not be done through public campaigns of distortion. If I withdraw now, that campaign would be seen as a success, and it would be mounted against future nominees. For the sake of the Federal judiciary and the American people, that must not happen. The deliberative process must be restored.
On October 23, 1987, he got what he asked for. The Senate rejected Bork's confirmation, with 42 Senators voting in favor and 58 voting against.
What parallel do you see between the Bork process that afforded him both a committee vote and a full Senate vote and the current one pertaining to Mr. Garland? I see two:
- The jurist in question has been nominated to the SCOTUS.
- The majority party in the Senate is not the President's party.
I also see a glaring dissimilarity: Bork's nomination was considered by the whole Senate.