Blacks are arrested and convicted of more crimes... and there is a whole other story to that, and I don't feel like repeating it again.
White juveniles use marijuana more than Black juveniles yet Black juveniles are arrested extremely more often. And when you talk about illegal prescription drug abuse? White juveniles are ahead of minorities by a mile... so when is the last time you heard of a SWAT team breaking down the door of a White suburban family to arrest their kids for drugs?
In this issue I find it necessary to both agree with you and disagree.
While I strongly agree with your complaint about SWAT teams breaking down doors I must tell you that Blacks do not suffer this frightening and humiliating experience more than Whites. As the video I've linked to below reveals there are over 40,000 "no-knock," door-busting raids conducted every year. That's an average of 125 every day, seven days a week. But by no means are Black homes invaded more than are White homes.
In many examples these raids are badly botched, i.e., the wrong residence is breached and in some examples innocent people are killed or badly abused and injured. I read of one example in which a
flash/bang grenade was tossed through an open window prior to breaking into a residence. The grenade landed in crib where a one year-old baby was sleeping and it badly damaged the baby's face. The reason for this raid was information by an unreliable informant that a large amount of marijuana would be found -- which turned out to be less than half an ounce.
I can remember that back in the 40's and 50s police were very reluctant to violate the
Castle Doctrine, which is the constitutionally sanctified principle that one's home, whether it be a mansion or a furnished room in a run-down boarding house, is his/her castle and forcible entry therein was forbidden without the most serious justification. Judges would issue a "no-knock" break-in warrant only under the most serious life-and-death circumstances. Back then the number of break-in warrants issued was typically less than ten for the entire United States. Today the average is 40,000. About 125 a day, every day.
Another Day, Another 124 Violent SWAT Raids
It should be noted that breaking into a Colonial's home by British Regulars, who were the cops of the Colonial era, was a leading provocation for the American Revolution.
Well in one of my courses this semester, we just had to write a short essay based on the readings provided. Part of it had to do with how Blacks were targets more than other groups, including with SWAT teams. Here is my paper, including the references which we are required to cite in the paper. Now, remember this is my paper.
Starting in the 1960’s under President Richard Nixon, and reemerging in the 1980’s under President Ronald Reagan, the “War on Drugs” created as a by-product, serious acts of violence. This violence was not only perpetrated by drug dealers, traffickers, and gangs, but also came in the form of counter-violence from law enforcement (Kienscherf, 2012). This paper will discuss how police violence has become normalized through policies, procedures, and the media; why public places have begun to be para-militarized; and attempt to explain that these changes were not just related to the war on drugs.
In the 1980’s the war on drugs began to ramp up, and by the 1990’s gang violence started to sky rocket (Parenti, 2008). This was especially true in the urban areas of the United States. This forced the government to take a stiffer approach, that included SWAT-style raids using military type tactics and equipment. SWAT was a term coined by Daryl Gates in the 1960’s, who at the time was a Los Angeles Police Department commander. It stood for, “Special Weapons and Tactics,” though originally Gates wanted to call it “Special Weapons Attack Team.” His superiors felt that the latter was a bit too candid and provocative (Parenti, 2008). These SWAT teams would promote violence by law enforcement, and spread from being concentrated in the large cities, outwards into the more rural areas. They would also start to be used more often, rather than just a handful of times per year. Their purpose became over-used. This would create a new group of people whom Dr. Peter Kraska would label, “culturally intoxicated young officers” (Parenti, 2008). Another way that police violence became normalized is through the media. Stories about criminals doing horrific acts, like that of Rudy Eugene, gave the police an excuse to be more violent, and the public accepted it. In 2012, a
naked and
unarmed Eugene, was shot and killed after being caught “eating the face” of a homeless man (Linnemann, Wall, & Green, 2014). Sadly, this type of story would start to become more common place throughout the years.
The war on drugs started out as a metaphor, being compared to an actual war. An example of this was when a local mayor described gang members as “the Viet Cong abroad in our society” (Kienscherf, 2012). Eventually however, it began to take on characteristics closer to the real deal. Drug gangs and cartels started to become more organized and better armed, to the point that normal law enforcement equipment and training were no longer effective nor safe. The government was forced to deploy para-military equipment and tactics to border places and the hyperghettos (Kienscherf, 2012). The government of the United States has been able to rationalize this para-militarization of public spaces by using the crippling of the Mexican government by drug organizations as a warning (Kienscherf, 2012). It is through this intimidation, that citizens are convinced they should give the government more power, accept the outcome, and embrace the safety it provides.
The war on drugs is not the only reason for the application of para-militarization. Economics plays a role in public places becoming para-militarized, as communities work towards taking back the poorer areas that are full of crime, to revitalize them with new, higher-end businesses and attractions. The communities believe that if they can create these places, it will kick start financial growth and create job opportunities that will lower crime. Sadly, it does not work (Parenti, 2008). Often, they would accomplish this by using coordinated SWAT raids targeted towards the Black communities (Parenti, 2008). They would conduct these raids for offenders like drug dealers and squatters.
Para-militarization of police in the United States has been viewed as critical to combating an enemy that has become increasingly more violent and better prepared than ever before. This is totally understandable in many circumstances, like when dealing with drug cartels and gangs who are often well-funded and well-equipped. The problem lies in how far the government uses these police forces against groups that are vulnerable, such as minorities and the poor, who do not pose the same type of threat as gangs and cartels. This animosity leads to higher tensions between the groups, and lowers the legitimacy of law enforcement within that community. When this happens, you end up with an escalation of crime, rather than a reduction, wasting funds, and creating future dangerous situations. It is just another example of a good idea being incorrectly implemented, and abused.
References
Kienscherf, M. (2012). Security Assemblages and Spaces of Exception: The Production of (Para-) Militarized Spaces in the U.S. War on Drugs. Radical Criminology, 1, 19-35.
Linnemann, T., Wall, T., & Green, E. (2014). The Walking Dead and Killing State:. Theoretical Criminology, 18, 332-352.
Parenti, C. (2008). Lockdown America: police and prisons in the age of crisis. London: Verso.
