Where danielpalos gets discombobulated is at the point where the left itself is defined. Since Deleuze presupposed such lack of education as D's by redefining The Left, D has always already been screwed by information anarchy, though D does not know it. D spends too much time in an illusory libidinal world fixated on the flesh, somewhat similar to most closet xians (atheism secretors) f'ed up on the Lord.
The reader has the capability at this point to take the ambiguous trident seriously, whether used in elections or current media, especially when investigating Trollop Pelosi's modus operandi. Firstly, it must be shown why socialism is impossible, followed by a Sanders-Pelosi assemblage, which few have noticed. This requires a (likely painful?) reading assignment. The following excerpt we consider one of Hardt and Negri's finest published passages:
'The working-class struggle puts the functioning of the law of value in definitive crisis, not only in the sens that its practices determine and reinforce the functioning of the law of the tendential fall of the rate of profit, but in the even more profound sense of destabilizing the very terms on which the law holds, in other words, taking away the meaning of the relation between necessary labor and surplus labor (which, as Marx says, is in the final instance the foundation of everything). At this very moment, socialism becomes impossible. Socialism and all the socialist utopias try to put forth the actual realization of the law of value, which amounts to saying the complete real subsumption of social labor into capital. This is possible, however, only in terms of the dialectic of the classes, only as a moment of class struggle. At this point, all the variants of the socialist utopia, both the objective ones (socialism as the socialization of the means of production and the rationalization of command) and the subjectivist ones (the new mode of production, cooperation, participation, comanagement, and so forth), are put in crisis, because the law of value is never realized except by at the same time shattering itself apart, imposing at an extremely high level the new antagonism among capitalist labor, command (however legitimated), and the set of productive social forces of the proletariat.
The collapse of the reformist model, tied to the ideology of the planned realization of the law of value, still appears, and even more heavily at this point. It is sufficient to look again at the problematic of public spending, how it is posed from a reformist perspective, and what new antagonisms the reformist will create. Public spending is seen by the reformists as spending that is either directly or indirectly productive. Correctly, they tend to rationalize its management, mold it in terms of the schemas of priorities, and use it to guide development and influence its direction. As we have seen, however, beyond these formal criteria, there is a contradiction between the form of social accumulation and the source (measure and proportion) of its legitimation -- a class contradiction that demonstrates both the tendential unification of the productive social subject and the irrationality of the criterion of the proposed business enterprise legitimation (by its own standards [italics]). As the contradiction becomes subjective in class terms it also becomes explosive. The pressure on public spending becomes a wage pressure, as the political pressure of the working class on the relative wage and -- principally and specifically in the present period -- the struggle against capitalist labor becomes a worker allusion to the new emerging productive force, which demands payment as such.
In this web of contradictions the attempt to rationalize public spending -- a rationalization that must necessarily follow business parameters and explain the business figure of the State -- becomes immediately repressive. This happens not so much because it employs the instruments of the repressive power of the State (and all its multiplying separate bodies) to this end, but because it uses them within the intensity of an unresolved structural contradiction. If socialism is impossible, reformism is even more so. Every reformist practice, in fact, is immediately repressive.'
(Hardt and Negri, Labor of Dionysus: A Critique of the State Form pp. 205-6)