georgephillip,
et al,
It depends on the perspective and the outcome of mediation.
How could those $300B in royalties be used to make amends for Israel's Original Sin?
Right of Return or Reparations?
(COMMENT)
It would appear that, in some respects, both sides have claims for damages. It is not the case that it is a one-sided affair. Normally, the loser of a military engagement, pays the war indemnity; for the reparations in financial liability for damage caused, restitution for terrorist actions against non-combatants, and compensated by the property or monetary allowances for war damages.
It would seem clear, at the outset, that the Hostile Arab Palestinians owe more than the Israelis. But the Israelis may want to mitigate much of it in lieu of achieving more than the suggested HAMAS decade of peace.
"This growing violence culminated in Israel's ruthless 1947-49 'War of Independence,' in which at least 750,000 Palestinian men, women, and children were expelled from their homes by numerically superior Israeli forces – half before any Arab armies joined the war.
(COMMENT)
This is an argument juxtaposed. Quite frequently it is mentioned that the Partition was unfair because there were many, many more Arab than there were Jewish Immigrants. Yet, every loss and (alleged) massacre is based on the "numerically superior Israeli forces."
Arguments suggest that the Israelis started the (alleged) ethnic cleansing "before the war." Yet the first engagement was Hebron (1929) and 1929 Safed riots (1929); not excluding the Palestinian namesake today recognizes Izz ad-Din al-Qassam as well as Haj Amin Al-Husseini (the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem).
But even before then, one of the major incidents that triggered regimentation of Jewish Defense Forces was the inflammatory anti-Zionist rhetoric of Amin al-Husseini which instigated the April 1920, uprising in the Old City (Nebi Musa riots) that caused 50,000 Arabs to attack Jews. It was after these attacks that the Haganah (1920) emerged as a defense force. The Irgun (1931) did not emerge until the Black Hand of al-Qassam began operations.
The history is very clear on this point, despite the
FAISAL-WEIZMANN AGREEMENT (3 January 1919) which pledged the "closest possible, collaboration in the development of the Arab State and Palestine," the Arab leadership was xenophobic and determined to exercise force in expelling the Jewish Immigrant. That legacy lives on today.
It must also be remembered that it is the "official policy" of HAMAS and the Palestinian National Authority to consider peaceful initiatives, peaceful solutions, conventions, proposals and international conferences as a waste of time and vain endeavors; in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement. The Hostile Arab Palestinian (HoAP) people, expressing themselves by armed Palestinian revolution, reject all solutions which are substitutes for the total liberation of Palestine and reject all proposals aimed at the liquidation of the Palestinian cause, or at its internationalization. The HoAP see Palestine as an indivisible part of the greater Arab homeland, and the Palestinian people are an integral part of the Arab nation; with the boundaries it had during the British Mandate, is an indivisible territorial unit. That is why we will never be able to rationally explain to our friend "P F Tinmore" the issue of boundaries.
Further, it is important to remember that, no matter what any other source may claim, it is the "official policy" of HAMAS and the Palestinian National Authority to achieve these objectives and goal, not through peaceful solutions, but through jihad and armed struggle. And I don't think that you will find any nation (outside the Arab World) that doesn't consider the "jihadist" as a "terrorist." Even within the Arab world, being a "jihadist" or a "muslim extremist" had dropped out of favor; for cause.
The "official policy" that makes the HoAP such a distinctive activity that uses the threat of violence for political purposes:
- Armed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine.
- There is no solution for the Palestinian question except through Jihad.
This is the legacy of the HoAP; it is what defines them, and has defined them since the Nebi Musa riots (1920). Whatever else they may claim to be, as long as in the shadow their "official policy" is "jihad" and "armed struggle" --- they are a threat to humanity; and the human rights of every member of our species.
Most Respectfully,
R