montelatici, et al,
Yeah --- Yeah ---- "out of my depth."
montelatici, P F Tinmore, et al
Article 20 has no clear impact on the Mandate. Article 22(4) only refers to "Certain communities." It does not obligate the League to the furtherance of an Agenda by the Arabs in the terriotry to which the Mandate applied.
P F Tinmore, et al,
While you base conjecture that the use of conquest has changed, it has very little to do with the decision. After all, in the surrender of the Ottoman Empire territories was not illegal in the post World War I era.
(COMMENT)
Colonial Projects and Cultural Assimilation are entirely different from that of making a determination as to who is indigenous. The fact of the matter is that the Ottoman Empire:
Unconditionally surrendered to the Allied Powers.
- Article 16, Armistice of Mudros
- Article 132, Treaty of Sevres
- Article 16, Treaty of Lausanne
The Allied Powers had the Authority to initiate the implementation of the Jewish National Home.
The Allied Powers decided to initiate immigration procedures.
Most Respectfully,
R
No, the Allied Powers had no right to implement the Jewish National Home as it contravened articles 20 and 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, i.e. the Balfour Declaration was null and void when the Britain signed the Covenant.
"ARTICLE 20.
The Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or understandings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.
In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligations inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its release from such obligations.
ARTICLE 22.
To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.
The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League....
.communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire (which included the Christian and Muslim Palestinians, ed.)have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory. - See more at:
League of Nations covenant - Peace Treaty of Versailles, Peace Conference text/Non-UN document (28 April 1919)
(REFERENCE)
Article 22(4) League of Nations Covenant
Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.
Series of League of Nations Publications VI.A. MANDATES 1945. VI.A. 1 II. THE PRINCIPLES OF THE MANDATORY REGIME
The Palestine Mandate is of a very special character. While it follows the main lines laid down by the Covenant for "A" Mandates, it also contains a number of provisions designed to apply the policy defined by the "Balfour Declaration" of November 2nd, 1917. By this declaration, the British Government had announced its intention to encourage the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country. The Mandate reproduces the Balfour Declaration almost in full in its preamble and states that "recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country".
(COMMENT)
Article 22(4) does not specifically obligate the Allied Powers to a particular course of action pertaining to any territory under which the Mandate was applied. Nor does Article 22
(in totality) does not specifically identify the territory to which the Mandate applies as an independent nation which could be
(as in the possibility but not a certainty) “provisionally recognized.”
The concept of a sacred trust is not exclusively applied or focused upon one people over another. It also applies to the all people with the for the purpose of self-determination. In that regard, the Balfour Declaration made public the British support of a Jewish homeland in Palestine; and led the League of Nations to entrust the
United Kingdom with the Palestine Mandate. There is no such public obligation made to the Arabs of Palestine.
Most Respectively,
R
The certain communities were the communities formerly of the Turks and included Palestine. The British signed the Covenant agreeing to Article 20, which required that any agreements contrary to the Covenant, which precluded Britain from denying self-determination to the Palestinian people through antecedent agreements, be abrogated. You are out of your depth, sir.
(COMMENT)
That is an assumption on you part.
IF the phrase "certain communities" meant "all communities," THEN --- it would have said "all communities." Certain communities imply that there are communities to which it doesn't apply.
Britain never denied the "
Right of Self-determination" to the Arab Palestinians.
22. Later in 1923, a third attempt was made to establish an institution through which the Arab population of Palestine could be brought into cooperation with the government. The mandatory Power now proposed “the establishment of an Arab Agency in Palestine which will occupy a position exactly analogous to that accorded to the Jewish Agency”. The Arab Agency would have the right to be consulted on all matters relating to immigration, on which it was recognised that “the views of the Arab community were entitled to special consideration”. The Arab leaders declined that this offer on the ground that it would not satisfy the aspirations of the Arab people. They added that, never having recognised the status of the Jewish Agency, they had no desire for the establishment of an Arab Agency on the same basis.
In fact, at the time the Covenant
(18 April 1946, when its assets and responsibilities were transferred to the United Nations) was signed (1919) there was no understood or universally accepted enforceable international law that acknowledge the "right of self-determination."
(Since you claim that there is, please tell me the citation that was in force prior to the UN Charter.)
Chapter 1, Article 1(2), UN Charter ----
The Purposes of the United Nations are:
To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
The requirement is to
develop friendly relations, not to enforce
(but based on respect for the principle of) self-determination. It must be remembered that the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights does not list "self-determination" as a right. For that reason, the wording is: "equal rights and self-determination" as two different concepts.
Self determination (international law)
Self-determination denotes the legal right of people to decide their own destiny in the international order. Self-determination is a core principle of international law, arising from
customary international law, but also recognized as a general principle of law, and enshrined in a number of
international treaties. For instance, self-determination is protected in the
United Nations Charter and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as a right of “all peoples.”
The scope and purpose of the principle of self-determination has evolved significantly in the 20th century. In the early 1900’s, international support grew for the right of all people to self-determination. This led to successful secessionist movements during and after WWI, WWII and laid the groundwork for decolonization in the 1960s.
Contemporary notions of self-determination usually distinguish between “internal” and “external” self-determination, suggesting that "self-determination" exists on a spectrum.
Internal self-determination may refer to various political and social rights; by contrast,
external self-determination refers to full legal independence/secession for the given 'people' from the larger politico-legal state.
Most Respectfully,
R
As I said, you are out of your depth. Stop making a fool of yourself.
MANDATES A.
MEMORANDUM BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. [Lord Curzon].
A FINAL decision about Mandates A is required. The Assembly of the League of Nations is concerned about their submission to the Council, and will probably not allow the gathering at Geneva to come to an end without a decision being taken on the point.
It is understood that the Council of the League is likely to hold a meeting while at Geneva to consider these Mandates, and it has been informed that they will be submitted without further delay. The Mandates concerned are those for Syria, Mesopotamia and Palestine.
The French Mandate for Syria is drawn on the same lines as ours for Mesopotamia, though not actually identical with it. There is nothing in it to which we desire to object.
The Mandate for Mesopotamia has passed through several stages, tending in each case to further simplification. It has been shown to, and approved by, the French and Italian Governments, to whom we were under a pledge at San Remo to submit it In its last printed form this Mandate was approved by the Cabinet a few weeks ago . . .
As regards the Palestine Mandate, this Mandate also has passed through several revises. When it was first shown to the French Government it at once excited their vehement criticisms on the ground of its almost exclusively Zionist complexion and of the manner in which the interests and rights of the Arab majority (amounting to about nine-tenths of the population) were ignored. The Italian Government expressed similar apprehensions. It was felt that this would constitute a very serious, and possibly a fatal, objection when the Mandate came ultimately before the Council of the League. The Mandate, therefore, was largely rewritten, and finally received their assent. It was also considered by an Inter-Departmental Conference here, in which the Foreign Office, Board of Trade, War Office and India Office were represented, and which passed the final draft.
In the course of these discussions strong objection was taken to a statement which had been inserted in the Preamble of the first draft to the following effect:— ” Recognising the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and the claim which this gives them to reconstitute Palestine as their National Home.”
367 [4996]
It was pointed out (1) that, while the Powers had unquestionably recognised the historical connection of the Jews with Palestine by their formal acceptance of the Balfour Declaration and their textual incorporation of it in the Turkish Peace Treaty drafted at San Remo, this was far from constituting anything in the nature of a legal claim, and that the use of such words might be, and was, indeed, certain to be, used as the basis of all sorts of political claims by the Zionists for the control of Palestinian administration in the future, and ;2) that, while Mr. Balfour’s Declaration had provided for the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, this was not the same thing as the reconstitution of Palestine as a Jewish National Home–an extension of the phrase for which there was no justification, and which was certain to be employed in the future as the basis for claims of the character to which I have referred. On the other hand, the Zionists pleaded for the insertion of some such phrase in the preamble, on the ground that it would make all the difference to the money that they aspired to raise in foreign, countries for the development of Palestine. Mr. Balfour, who interested himself keenly in their case, admitted, however, the force of the above contentions, and, on the eve of leaving for Geneva, suggested an alternative form of words which I am prepared to recommend.
Paragraph 3 of the Preamble would then conclude as follows (vide the words italicised in the Draft-;
” and whereas recognition lias thereby (i.e., by the Treaty of Sevres) been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine, and to the grounds for reconstituting their National Home in that country.”
Simultaneously the Zionists pressed for the concession of preferential rights for themselves in respect of public works, &c, in Article 11.
It was felt unanimously, and was agreed by Mr. Balfour, that there was no ground for making this concession, which ought to be refused. . .
During the last few hours a telegram has been received from Sir H. Samuel, urging that, in order to facilitate the raising of loans by the Palestine Administration, which will otherwise be impossible, words should be added to Article 27, providing that on the termination of the Mandate, the future Government of Palestine shall fully honour the financial obligations incurred by the Palestinian Administration during the period of the Mandate. This appears to be a quite reasonable demand, and I have accordingly added words (italicised at the end of Article 27) in order to meet it. With this explanation, therefore, I hope that the Mandates in the form now submitted may be formally passed and forwarded to the Council of the League.
C. OF K. November 30, 1920.
End/ (Not Continued