People keep talking about the costs, meanwhile it's a drop in the bucket compared to the costs of paying for illegal immigration.
The real question is, really, why is there SO much rage and emotional triggering by the thought of a wall? To me it's as transparent as can be, some realize the ability to turn America socialist and another global shytehole is impacted greatly if they cannot send mass illegal immigration over the border.
I can imagine some heated arguments over abortion, religious freedom, even right to bear arms...but a wall? It's a structure designed to protect your border, what in the hell is wrong with this that so many lose it?
it's a drop in the bucket compared to the costs of paying for illegal immigration.
Reply
Right there is your problem: you seem to have assumed that the net economic impact of illegal immigration is negative. Were you to read
the book that contains the foremost and most comprehensive analysis of the economic impact of immigration in the U.S., what you'd find is that illegal immigration has a net positive economic impact on the U.S. economy, positive to the extent of $395 to $472 billion increase in GDP. You will find a brief summary of the findings reported in detail in the book here:
Immigration and the American Worker. Reading it, one will the unequivocal statement: "illegal immigrants
increased GDP by $395 to $472 billion."
It's nice to talk about costs, and it's nice to talk about gains. When one evaluating the impact of something, however, one must consider the costs and gains and subtract the former from the latter to determine what the net impact is.
The book, no doubt written a factually challenged regressive democrat with an agenda and a paycheck to keep.
Xelor never read the book by Borjas. Borjas is against illegal immigration and clearly states that the only persons benefiting from their labor are the illegals and the employers themselves. Like most sympathetic illegal lovers, Xelor mis-represents what the book says. Xelor knows that what Borjas is stating is that immigration in total (legal and illegals) then there is a surplus, remove the illegals and that surplus is greater, thus illegals cost us GDP yearly to include costs at the local and state levels.
Xelor knows that what Borjas is stating is that immigration in total (legal and illegals) then there is a surplus
You can say that, but that you say it does not make it be so. Read Borjas' paper, which is his literature it is the
literature review that he used as the starting point for his book. The paper is:
Immigration and the American Worker. What does he say in it?
- Illegal immigrants increased GDP by $395 to $472 billion.
- The immigration surplus or benefit to natives created by illegal immigrants is estimated at around $9 billion a year or 0.06 percent of GDP — six one-hundredths of 1 percent.
What is GDP? It is the result of adding the gains an economy produces and subtracting from them the costs of obtaining those gains. Just as GDP is calculated that way, so too is every element/activity that produces an increase or decrease to GDP. Illegal immigration/immigrants is one of the many elements that affect GDP.
Xelor never read the book by Borjas. Borjas is against illegal immigration
I have never remarked on whether Borjas favors or doesn't favor illegal immigration. All I have ever done is cite his empirical findings regarding the net economic impact of illegal immigration. Notwithstanding Borjas' political stance on illegal immigration,
his empirical figures are what they are, and what they are is very clear in Borjas' own words:
- Illegal immigrants increased GDP by $395 to $472 billion.
- The immigration surplus or benefit to natives created by illegal immigrants is estimated at around $9 billion a year or 0.06 percent of GDP — six one-hundredths of 1 percent.
I haven't discussed Borjas' political stance on illegal immigration because I don't care what be his politics. I care only about his research. I don't care about Borjas' political stance because using his research I can form my own political stance.
The fact of the matter is that I don't know anyone -- liberal or conservative -- who is pleased that illegal immigration happens. I certainly don't; however, illegal immigrants are people and they are in the U.S., and that means the first thing I'm going to do is try to figure out whether their being in the U.S. has a quantifiable
net impact that is economically positive or economically negative. If there is such an analysis, my stance will be based primarily on the findings of that analysis, which is to say:
- if the net impact is positive, I will advocate for a solution that does not force us to give up that impact, or
- if the net impact is negative, I'll advocate for a solution that as humanely as possible stops the economic "bleeding," as it were.
As goes the mere fact that illegal immigrants status are present in the U.S., I feel no allegiance or obligation to them whatsoever. Accordingly, insofar as they are illegally present, as far as I'm concerned, they are subject to the vicissitudes of cold empiricism. To my way of thinking and as goes my willingness to do something about them and their presence, well, they're just "lucky" that their
net economic impact is positive, for were it not, I'd be of a mind to deport them
en masse and move on to other things.
In answering the question of what to do about the fact that it has happened and what to do with the people who illegally reside in the U.S., I am of the mind that whatever course we take to address either/both must be one that produces net economic gains in excess of the net economic gains illegal immigrants produce plus the cost of doing whatever "it" be, as illustrated below.
Let G be the nation's economy (GDP).
Let X be an existential person, place or thing that produces $400B worth of the net value of G.
Let Y be an action(s) that costs money to implement and that eliminates X.
For Y to be "worth it," it must at least produce returns greater than $400B + Y.
As for why my approach [do not conflate "approach" with "stance"] to doing "whatever" about illegal immigration/immigrants is as I've described above, well, that's because, where/when possible to do so soundly/cogently, I form my conclusions using largely on
economic positivist approaches, not using
economic normativist approaches.