Maybe you need to re-read my post and realize that I was not talking in absolutes. While you are at it you may want to realize that I was placing a pretty strong importance on overwhelming evidence and a healthy respect for the appeals process. I don't want innocent people being executed either. That would show a flippancy on my part as well, wouldn't it?
Besides, the NEW family of murder victims you speak of can hardly be considered the same thing by any stretch of the imagination. I have plenty of sympathy for the mother of a person who murdered, and what her child's life has become, but at least she knows full well ahead of time that it will happen and why. If you're a mother, then you're going to believe your child is innocent anyway, so what bearing does that have on anything? Besides, I cannot put myself in anybody's shoes except my own. Just because I advocate capital punishment does not mean that I don't think the system in place is broken.
I did. I stand by my comments and have more issues with your post. You said you've seen the economic argument presented, and don't get it, and, why would money be such a big concern?
The death penalty is not only a LOT more expensive than life without parole in monetary terms, it is a lot more expensive in human resource terms. Detectives and law enforcement who could be working on new cases or preventing new crimes are wasting an exorbitant amount of human resources on capital punishment cases. The money spent to preserve this failing system could be directed to effective programs that make society safer. And it taxes our court system...
NE - Because of one death penalty case in Nebraska, the Madison County Public DefenderÂ’s Office doesnÂ’t have time to meet with their regular clients and prepare adequate defenses, in violation of their code of ethics. Attorneys are withdrawing from all new cases to which they are appointed. (Lincoln Journal Star, Sept. 22, 2003)
In Sierra County, California authorities had to cut police services in 1988 to pick up the tab of pursuing death penalty prosecutions. The County's District Attorney, James Reichle, complained, "If we didn't have to pay $500,000 a pop for Sacramento's murders, I'd have an investigator and the sheriff would have a couple of extra deputies and we could do some lasting good for Sierra County law enforcement. The sewage system at the courthouse is failing, a bridge collapsed, there's no county library, no county park, and we have volunteer fire and volunteer search and rescue." The county's auditor, Don Hemphill, said that if death penalty expenses kept piling up, the county would soon be broke. Just recently, Mr. Hemphill indicated that another death penalty case would likely require the county to lay off 10 percent of its police and sheriff force.
Across the country, police are being laid off, prisoners are being released early, the courts are clogged, and crime continues to rise. The economic recession has caused cutbacks in the backbone of the criminal justice system. In Florida, the budget crisis resulted in the early release of 3,000 prisoners. In Texas, prisoners are serving only 20% of their time and rearrests are common. Georgia is laying off 900 correctional personnel and New Jersey has had to dismiss 500 police officers. Yet these same states, and many others like them, are pouring millions of dollars into the death penalty with no resultant reduction in crime.
The exorbitant costs of capital punishment are actually making America less safe because badly needed financial and legal resources are being diverted from effective crime fighting strategies. Before the Los Angeles riots, for example, California had little money for innovations like community policing, but was managing to spend an extra $90 million per year on capital punishment. Texas, with over 300 people on death row, is spending an estimated $2.3 million per case, but its murder rate remains one of the highest in the country.
The death penalty is escaping the decisive cost-benefit analysis to which every other program is being put in times of austerity. Rather than being posed as a single, but costly, alternative in a spectrum of approaches to crime, the death penalty operates at the extremes of political rhetoric. Candidates use the death penalty as a facile solution to crime which allows them to distinguish themselves by the toughness of their position rather than its effectiveness.
The death penalty is much more expensive than its closest alternative--life imprisonment with no parole. Capital trials are longer and more expensive at every step than other murder trials. Pre-trial motions, expert witness investigations, jury selection, and the necessity for two trials--one on guilt and one on sentencing--make capital cases extremely costly, even before the appeals process begins. Guilty pleas are almost unheard of when the punishment is death. In addition, many of these trials result in a life sentence rather than the death penalty, so the state pays the cost of life imprisonment on top of the expensive trial.
The high price of the death penalty is often most keenly felt in those counties responsible for both the prosecution and defense of capital defendants. A single trial can mean near bankruptcy, tax increases, and the laying off of vital personnel. Trials costing a small county $100,000 from un-budgeted funds are common and some officials have even gone to jail in resisting payment.
Nevertheless, politicians from prosecutors to presidents choose symbol over substance in their support of the death penalty. Campaign rhetoric becomes legislative policy with no analysis of whether the expense will produce any good for the people. The death penalty, in short, has been given a free ride. The expansion of the death penalty in America is on a collision course with a shrinking budget for crime prevention. It is time for politicians and the public to give this costly punishment a hard look.