I'm not sure what you are expecting. We are looking at historical trends and trying to see patterns.
No "we" aren't. You are asserting a pattern exists, and claiming that suggesting that such a pattern needs to be established before it's claimed to be true is somehow an ureasonable demand.
While at the same time claiming that me establishing a pattern of wages not keeping up with inflation during Covid isn't valid because I didn't include "printing of money" in the equation.
Altough I mentioned what I considered undisputable documented factors, that I'm willing to back up when asked.
In short I expect that you and me carry a similar burden of proof when challenged.
Draw a clear line"? How would that be done?
You are the one making the claim. So it's on you to support it. The fact that you are asking me is telling.
I will however answer. If you want to use the graph you showed to support the assertion that immigration reform in 1967 was a contributing factor to real wages starting to stagnate in 1975. You could try to look up immigration numbers for that period. If those numbers spiked in 1975 you could be onto something. Or you could look for spikes in your graph and see if you can corrolate those with mass deportations or mass migration years.
See the problem isn't that it can't be done. The problem is that the data provided doesn't support your premise. If it did I'm pretty sure you would present it as such.
My point is that the flooding of the labor market depresses wages. If that is true, it is true. That other factors may or may not be in play, doesn't change that being accurate or not.
No it's probably true that flooding the labor market depresses wages. The question is by how much and if those depressed wages cause deflationary pressure large enough to be a net benefit.
It's a question you don't even attempt to resolve no matter how many times I ask.
If we create a labor market where the rich are forced to raise wages, that will be money flowing from the rich to the workers.
By what margin? Does it keep up with inflation? Not to mention that as your graph shows the rich don't have to do squat.
that would NOT invalidate my premise. It would just mean that the negative effect of the one policy outweighted teh positive effect of the other policy.
Your premise is that Trumps policies are beneficial to the middle class. Something that's invalidated if the negative effects of his policies outweighs your (perceived) beneficial policies.
To put it in an analogy. If a pickpocket steals your wallet that has a 1000 bucks in it. And a few days later he sends you a note saying " I felt bad for you so I bought a scratcher with a grand price of a 100 bucks and promise to send you the money if I win."
I'm betting your response won't be. "How generous"
Your higher taxes argument assumes that increased taxes paid by the rich translates to benefits for the poor/middle class and not the politicians, who actually would control that tax money.
The tax rates for the fifties, sixties and seventies were considerably higher than they are today. It was a time were the middle class could afford to support their family on a single income more often then not. Since "we" are talking historical patterns.
And yes, the government having more money is likely to benefit the poor and middle class. If for no other reason (and there are other reasons) that it helps them get elected.
In fact, it's kind of weird that the reason you question the rich paying more taxes is because you believe that politicians are selfish. It's like saying that you're against the fire department putting out a house fire because you fear water damage.