AR15: In common use?

This fails as a false comparison fallacy.

The test is whether a weapon is ‘in common use’ or ‘dangerous and unusual’ – pickup trucks are neither dangerous nor unusual, how common they are is therefore irrelevant.

Rather, the question shouldn’t be limited to just AR 15s, but all semi-auto rifles and carbines – the many Kalashnikov variants, FN SCAR 16s and 17s, FN FALs, HK 91s other roller-delayed blowback firearms, M1As, Galils, Czech vz 58s, just to name a few.

Indeed, there are at least another 20 million non-AR platform firearms in the United States.

Consequently, with that many semi-automatic rifles and carbines with 20- or 30-round detachable magazines possessed by private citizens, such weapons are clearly ‘in common use’ and should fall within the scope of Second Amendment protections.
So Yellow Cabs in NYC fall into the dangerous category as they were responsible for multiple deaths this week. So we should ban Yellow Cabs? Yeah, I know, it is a stupid thought. Like your thoughts that all semi autos should be banned. It ain't the tool--the problem is the person who uses it.
 
This concept is explained in the case the Supreme Court used to form its reasoning in US v Miller and where the Court drew its language in Miller's famous paragraph:

"A thousand inventions for inflicting death may be imagined, which might come under the appellation of an "arm" in the figurative use of that term, and which could by no possibility be rendered effectual in war, or in the least degree aid in the common defence.

You have to realize that Miller took the first clause of the 2nd amendment to heart, where Heller totally threw it under the bus. So the reasoning in Miller is no longer valid once they decided Heller.

Heller threw out "common denence", and kept "unusual".​
 
Like your thoughts that all semi autos should be banned. It ain't the tool--the problem is the person who uses it.
Everything is the person and not the tool. Which is why with other tools, the government makes you prove you can handle the tool safely before they let you have one.
 
And thus, the "dangerous" in the term "dangerous and unusual" must be in excess of that commonly attached to a firearm.

I agree, I would say that the arm must have some inherent dangerousness that is independent of whatever actions are taken by the possessor / user. What first comes to mind to me would be a weapon that can't be aimed effectively or accurately; a blunderbuss or yes, perhaps even a sawed-off shotgun could fit the description.

Again though, it is, AND . . . "dangerous to the peace and safety of the citizens, and which are not usual in civilized warfare, or would not contribute to the common defence."

I always think of Cases v US, that criticized the Miller's Court's statement that the military usefulness of a sawed-off shotgun "was not within judicial notice" . . .

Cases said such a conclusion wasn't entirely believable, "because of the well known fact that in the so called "Commando Units" some sort of military use seems to have been found for almost any modern lethal weapon".

When one tears into the descriptor "dangerous and unusual [not usual in civilized warfare]" it seems the arms that can't be defined that way, far, far outnumber the types than can.
 
Alito addressed the "Dangerous and Unusual" argument in Caetano v Massachusetts......

In a concurring opinion that has no legal weight (only Thomas signed on).

It sounds good and maybe someday that will be elevated to the opinion of the Court, but until then it is just a good narrative.
 
The 2nd Amendment protects the right to own and use firearms "in common use" for traditionally lawful purposes.
This contrasts with "dangeroun and unusual" weapons, which are not so protected.
Where the fuck do you get this shit? Do you just believe everything some guy in a black robe feeds you?

The 2nd Amendment says, "the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." Not a fucking word about something like, "the right to keep and bear commonly used arms shall not be infringed."

Nor does it say, "the right to keep and bear dangerous or unusual weapons may be infringed." Every gun is, by definition, dangerous. The one thing the anti-gun left on this board and in general are correct about is that guns are made to kill - each and every one of them. They are all dangerous and they are all protected by the 2nd Amendment.

You support the 2nd Amendment about like Joe Biden and Beto O'Rourke support the 2nd Amendment.
 
And thus, the "dangerous" in the term "dangerous and unusual" must be in excess of that commonly attached to a firearm.
A firearm is deadly. Please explain the next level of dangerous after deadly. Perhaps something that steals the soul? Or perhaps idiocy?
 
That doesn't tell us anything about what government's powers might be to regulate guns . . . True, the dangerousness of gun is not really in dispute, but "dangerousness" alone is not the only criteria for hearing government's plea to be afforded a power to restrict an arm's possession and use.

Here is a short primer on "dangerous and unusual" . . .

The first thing to understand is the government doesn't get to begin the conversation demanding a power by claiming, "this gun is dangerous and unusual", and suddenly the citizen must defend his right to possess and use that type of arm.

The determination that a type of arm is "dangerous and unusual" is what remains after the protection criteria is applied and the type of arm fails all of them.

The Supreme Court has established a multi-pronged "test" to find out if a type of arm is beyond the reach of government (AKA, "protected" by the 2nd Amendment).

The arm must be of a type that is, part of the ordinary military equipment / usual in civilized warfare and/or if its use could contribute to the common defense or simply, is of a type in common use by the citizens. SCOTUS in Heller and Caetano clarified also that the 2nd Amendment's protection "extends . . . to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding".

If a gun meets any of those criteria, the power claimed by government to restrict its possession and use by individual citizens must be repelled or invalidated if already in force, (in Heller, the Court only used one, the "in common use" test to invalidate the DC statutes). If the type of arm FAILS all those tests, then it could be deemed, "dangerous and unusual" and government could legitimately be afforded a power to restrict its possession and use by citizens.

That "dangerous and unusual" arms have, historically and traditionally been restricted is the origination for Heller's statement that, "the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited. . . . [it is] not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose".

Again, dangerousness alone is not a criteria to permit restrictions. The arm must also be unusual but unusual does not refer to say, unconventional looks or "style". It actually means, "not usual in civilized warfare, or would not contribute to the common defense".

This concept is explained in the case the Supreme Court used to form its reasoning in US v Miller and where the Court drew its language in Miller's famous paragraph:

"A thousand inventions for inflicting death may be imagined, which might come under the appellation of an "arm" in the figurative use of that term, and which could by no possibility be rendered effectual in war, or in the least degree aid in the common defence. Would it not be absurd to contend that a constitutional provision, securing to the citizens the means of their common defence, should be construed to extend to such weapons, although they manifestly would not contribute to that end, merely because, in the hands of an assassin, they might take away life?​
The legislature, therefore, have a right to prohibit the wearing, or keeping weapons dangerous to the peace and safety of the citizens, and which are not usual in civilized warfare, or would not contribute to the common defence."​


So, when "dangerous and unusual" is stated as a criteria for justifying a government restricting the citizen's possession and use of a certain, specific type of arm, understand that before that term can even be considered, the arm must have failed all the protection criteria.

In the end, the term must be understood to mean and read as describing a specific type of arm that is, dangerous to the peace and safety of the citizens, and which is not usual in civilized warfare or otherwise would be of little use in war or self defense.

Please share where in Article V of the Constitution it says the a bill passed by Congress, if upheld by the Supreme Court, is one way to amend or otherwise change the Constitution?

In 1939, the Constitution was changed again, this time by the Supreme Court without Congress when, suddenly, it said, "shall not be infringed except for violent felons or for any arm not commonly used in the military."

Then, in 2008 when Scalia said it was just for guns in common use did the Constitution change? Now it said, "shall not be infringed except for guns not in use in the military and not in common civilian use and other scary shit"?

Through all of the interpretations, from 1934 to 2012, every gun law and every case in front of the Court did not change the words of the Constitution and the Supreme Court doesn't get to make up laws - not legally.

Are you completely incapable of reading the words yourself? Cannot you use the google to see what the Founders said and intended? Are you such a sheep that whatever power and authority the government tells you they have, that is what they have?


Tench Coxe:

My friends and countrymen, it is not so, for the powers of the sward are in the hands of the yeomanry of America from sixteen to sixty. The militia of these free commonwealths, entitled and accustomed to their arms, when compared with any possible army, must be tremendous and irresistible. Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves? Is it feared then, that we shall turn our arms each man against his own bosom? Congress have no right to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birth-right of an American…. The unlimited power of the sword is not in the hands of either the federal or the state governments, but where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands of the people.
 
My ARs are sure "in common use". I took three of them to the range this morning and shot them. You can't get more common use than that, can you?
 
Do you think the right emanates from those words?



You deny that the Justice writing a majority opinion of the Supreme Court has the power to declare what the Constitution is, but you think Tench Coxe does?
The right exists whether or not there's a 2nd Amendment. What part of "shall not be infringed" do you not understand?

Tench Coxe describes the commonly held view of the Founders. The Constitution means today what it meant in 1789. Or do you believe in the living constitution that the meaning adapts to the time and the wishes of government?

In almost every court ruling, some justices vote one way and some justices go the other. Do you believe that it's the vote that defines the meaning of the Constitution or is it the original intent that defines the meaning?

For instance, in Heller, the Court correctly ruled that the right to keep and bear arms is an individual right and included more than just use by the militia. Had Roberts ruled with the minority and Heller had lost his case, and Scalia's statement that the right was an individual right including for self-defense was now just the dissent, would that change the meaning of the Constitution? Would you then be arguing that Stevens was correct and the right to keep and bear arms for the purpose of arming the militia when called up and that owning guns for any other use, explicitly including hunting, sporting activities, and self-defense, could be banned?

There is no doubt that the Supreme Court Justices are smart men and women and, for the most part, well studied on the Constitution and it's original intent. Even so, in virtually every case, some of them get it wrong and some of them get it right. And in most cases both sides probably get some parts of their side wrong and some parts of their side right.

Considering that we all agree, I hope, that the Justices are human and they make mistakes, then from a constitutional perspective we should consider what they say, what both sides say. It is the Constitution that defines what it means and you should be smart enough to consider the evidence and judge it for yourself without simply saying some guy in a black robe told you so. Are you smart enough to do that? Can you defend using the Constitution as your main proof, even if using the words of the justices for clarity, that the government has the right to infringe the right to keep and bear some arms? Or against some people?
 

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