The religion of political liberalism has three principal canons:
Nationalization of charity. Humanitarian endeavors cannot be effectively performed, nor equitably supported unless they are done by government agencies. This has the virtue of insulating its adherents from real moral claims on their personal resources. In effect, the political-moral stance that begins with the phrase-- “I support….(you can fill in the blanks with a liberal cause here)” becomes the equivalent of “I gave at the office.”
Social Marxism. This stance (going by various other names of course) dictates that a doctrine of (pretended) social equality substitutes for the now discredited ruthless redistribution of all wealth. This stance (which was really the ur-source of political correctness) allows its adherents to accomplish (or at least favor) the humiliation and social repression of those whom its shifting fashions might choose to label oppressors. This is a low cost approach to egalitarianism and protects those whose sophisticated hedonism would otherwise be criticized. The appropriately expressed politically correct bromides are the camouflage of “undeserved” well off.
Collective Expiation of guilt. Social survivor guilt, the inevitable result of a sense of “unearned” well being, is expiated by this religion’s ritual practices. These rituals, for the most part, consist of bumper stickers, public gestures, cocktail party banter, and occasional political activity in support of liberal causes.
The psychological strength of the liberal religion derives from four related developments in the human condition, mostly confined to the highly developed and prosperous communities in Europe and the Americas:
(1) The collapse of traditional religious and other transcendent moral claims on the individual among the dominant intelligentsia of the developed world;
(2) The persistent, nagging voice of residual conscience, still suffered by those anti-traditional secularists who have not yet succumbed to outright nihilism;
(3) The emperor-has-no-clothes fragility of the whole act, such that any invalidation or repudiation of a part of the doctrine threatens the whole;
(4) The deep psychological dread of any prospective return to individual accountability measured by an authoritative moral system.
Political Liberalism as Secular Religion
Well, I was hoping for Coulter's reasoning on the subject, but in a way this is even better. This guy outlines his ideas a bit more eloquently than what I've seen of Coulter's writing, and although he takes almost as many jabs at those who think differently as she does, his are more articulate.
Here goes:
"For purposes of this essay, I’m applying the term “political liberal” to the partisan liberal left, those people for whom being a “liberal”: (a) is kind of a calling, in which some one’s declaration that “I’m a liberal” sounds very much like “I’m a Seventh Day Adventist” (my apologies to all SDA’s – this is just an illustration); (b) the liberal self-identification is meant to immediately imply a specific litany – dare I say catechism -- of specific doctrines. In general these are the positions that are shared by the left wing of the Democratic Party and the Green party."
The same could easily be said of the partisan conservative right. Saying "I'm conservative" also generally implies a "litany of specific 'doctrines'" shared by the Republican party, does it not? Declaring yourself either liberal OR conservative, or declaring allegiance to any particular political party, implies taking up certain positions on certain issues. Anyone who declares themselves partisan on either side is declaring that they are, as he later says, "unwilling to deviate from 'doctrine,'" or unwilling to go against party lines on any issue.
"Beyond these silly caricatures, the same minds tend to view all military and police as small minded, atavistic brutes, and see conservatives as living in trailer parks (or as having been somehow trained in them, retaining their trailer park values as they have become indecently wealthy by selling cars). In these same minds, concern for sexual freedom and female autonomy get turned into a general doctrine that decries any attempt to regulate what adult people do with their sexual and reproductive organs. Even discussions about regulating very late term procedures to terminate an unborn fetus (whose heart is actually beating), or attempts to control children who want to escape from the “sexual tyranny” of their parents are ruled out of bounds. We must not even entertain these thoughts, lest we – God forbid – practice right wing zealotry."
As though conservatives don't have their own stereotypical views of liberals (he reveals a few of his own in this same paragraph as well as throughout the essay).
"My point here is not to debate the merits of the public policy issues that make up the catechism of the left, but to explore the notion that, collectively, these views are a catechism."
Finally, the argument itself?
"There is no better explanation for the extreme resistance of the “political liberal” group to all rational argument."
That is a wide generalization that could just as easily be (and has been) made by liberals about conservatives, and I don't see its relevance to the argument.
"The political liberal mindset is dominant in a number of parts of this country. It is held by self-styled “sophisticated and thoughtful” people who vigorously reject the very idea that their belief system constitutes an ideology. Of course, when they deviate from the main doctrine, they tend to speak very softly indeed."
Again, the same could be said about partisan conservatives who deviate from the main conservative doctrine...oh, wait, conservative views are not "doctrine," although he has not yet explained why they are not while liberal ones are.
"Liberalism in this form is a secular religion. This religion originated, innocently enough, as an attempt to off-load the entire charitable and humanitarian enterprise to the regulatory and social action agencies of government. Somehow, it has survived the demise of national and international socialism by appealing to some of the very groups who were threatened by the former ideologies."
Again the statement that liberalism is a religion, but no clear reasoning yet as to why partisan liberal views should be seen as akin to religious views.
For the rest of the essay, he goes on to explain the canons of liberal religion and why he thinks the liberal religion has such a strong hold on its "followers," which is the part that you posted. This elaborates on his view of the liberal religion, but does not offer any argument as to WHY liberalism should be considered a religion.
This part, although it also does not constitute an argument, is really interesting and is also the only part of the essay that I think I might agree with.
"The last point raises a particularly frightening scenario for those liberals who lack refuge in “Plan B” (i.e., the resort to the supporting infrastructure of a transcendent, stable belief system supported by a community of co-believers, in effect, to religion). For these minds, having rejected the classical tradition and lacking the safety net of ordinary religion (which has been rejected by liberalism-as-secular-religion as the construct of atavistic superstition), the prospect of such a return to individual (as opposed to collective) moral accountability represents either of two unacceptable alternatives:
(5) A return to a moral system in which one’s own conduct is seen again as “sinful” or
(6) A condition of moral free fall in which civil order is threatened. Either choice threatens the comfortable cocoons of protected, gentile hedonism in which the followers of liberalism-as-religion hope to live out their anxious lives."
However, all this is really saying is that liberals don't want to answer to an actual religious authority because that would mean answering to a moral authority other than their own. This is debatable and would require going off on a long tangent.
The main thing that bothers me about the argument that he didn't make, but very much implied, is this: all liberals are not atheists, just like all conservatives do not believe in God. To generalize either in this way would be a fallacy of logic. The entire argument of liberalism being a religion seems to me to rest on the idea that liberals do not believe in God, and therefore adhere to their political beliefs as though they were religious beliefs, while conservatives all answer to a higher moral authority because they are all God-fearing individuals.
Also, to claim that liberalism is a religion you must specify what qualities constitute a religion, which he did not. The idea of liberalism, or any political identity for that matter, being classified as a religion rests very strongly on how you define "religion."
What bothers me about your post as a whole is that you copied and pasted this dude's argument without explaining why it makes sense to you or backing it up with any of your own points, which wasn't really what I was looking for...although his essay is an interesting read and I'm glad you linked to it. It seems like you do have some strong opinions on the matter, though, and I'd be interested to hear them, and also what you make of my response to his essay.