Ainu men look just as white as many Italians.
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Speaking about color.
The first Arab Muslim leader of "palestine" Hitler's Mufti had an unusual look for an Arab.
This is from NYT 1946:
A New Chapter for the Mysterious Mufti; An extraordinary and formidable figure, he plays a major role in shaping the Middle East's fate.
By Clifton Daniel. The
New York Times
Aug. 25, 1946.
ALEXANDRIA, Egypt (By Wireless).
IT was Winston Churchill himself who conferred upon Haj Amin El Husseini the distinction of being the deadliest enemy of the British Empire. Some people in these parts think that Mr. Churchill, who usually belittles rather than inflates his foes, was guilty of hyperbole in this case. Still, there can be no doubt that at this moment-a moment that finds Palestine in turmoil and the whole Middle East astir-His Eminence, the Mufti of Jerusalem, is one of the most formidable figures in the Arab world. His Eminence is not merely an exceptional man; he is lucky into the bargain. Five members of the Arab Higher Committee of Palestine, which is suspected of fomenting the Arab revolt of 1936, spent a year of the war in enforced exile in the Seychelles Islands. Rashid Ali el Gailani, who led the pro-Axis and anti-British uprising in Iraq in 1941, is a fugitive from the noose and scaffold in Saudi Arabia. William Joyce, who broadcast on the German radio network during the war went to a traitor's grave in England.
Men and women of many lands who collaborated with the Axis powers have been sentenced to death, imprisonment or national indignity. But Haj Amin El Husseini, who has been accused repeatedly of the same or similar offenses, still keeps his head and enjoys his health, while living as an honored guest in Egypt. He has been physically, if not ideologically, on the losing side in two World Wars, and has eluded capture by the British at least four times. The most recent escape was last June from a villa just outside Paris under mysterious circumstances. Between the time of his arrival in Germany in 1941 and his apprehension in the French occupation zone in 1945, the Mufti met Hitler and Ribbentrop, broadcast anti-British and anti-Jewish propaganda to the Middle East, counseled saboteurs, spies and provocateurs who went to Arab countries, and lent his presence to a recruiting campaign for Moslem units of the Schutzstaffel. He has also been charged with the authorship of letters to the Rumanian and Hungarian Prime Ministers in 1943, asking them to send their Jewish citizens not to Palestine but to Poland, where they were subsequently exterminated.
DESPITE such activities, which have been sufficient cause for hanging in other countries, he has not only kept his head but has enhanced his prestige among his own people, who have all but sanctified him by this time. There is now a pilgrimage that every Arab and Moslem notable and patriot must make in Alexandria. The new shrine of political Islam is the Mufti's house, Villa Aïda, near Roushdy Pasha Station of the street-car line that runs out from Alexandria to the suburb of Ramleh. The two-story villa stands directly beside the tramline. There is an Egyptian soldier about every eight or ten yards around the garden, and the Mufti has personal bodyguards inside. Everyone approaching the house is stopped and asked if he has an appointment. If so, he is taken to the Mufti's secretary, who passes upon his admissibility. If not, he is turned away. All these precautions are taken for the Mufti's protection and not his detention, says the Egyptian Government, which is sensitive to allegations that he is held prisoner. Visitors say that the Mufti is uneasy about his personal safety, and understandably so for a man who has been so often on the brink of disaster. It is not only a matter of courtesy for Arabs to call at Villa Aïda, but it is also becoming customary again to consult him on the affairs of Palestine in particular, and problems of the Arab world in general. It is safe to say that no recent Arab decisions on Palestine policy have been taken without his opinion being rendered, at least indirectly.
WHEN the Mufti first turned up in Egypt in June, seeking refuge in the Royal House, the Egyptian Government issued a communiqué which blushed with embarrassment and precipitously promised by inference that the Mufti would be kept quiet. King Farouk, however, received his uninvited guest with cordiality, and offered him every comfort in exile. It soon became apparent that the Mufti was a popular hero, and that there was no way short of actual imprisonment to keep him from continuing the work that has been his passion for a lifetime-keeping Zionism out of Palestine. When he forsook the hospitality of the French for the second time in his career and headed toward home, the Arabs of Palestine went delirious. Some of them did not sleep for three nights. They posted pictures of him all over Palestine, festooning them with garlands. They strung lights around the minarets, and with alarming abandon built gasoline fires on the roofs of mosques, and fired off guns which they threaten some day to turn again against the Jews and British. Tributes of such fervency are not paid to a man unless he is something special. A considerable number of elements go into the make-up of Haj Amin's personal and political appeal. They are the attributes of any successful politician, with a special Oriental flavor. A young Arab who was a baby when Husseini fled from a British prison sentence in 1920, and a schoolboy when the Mufti went into exile in 1937, was admitted to the august presence a few days ago. He came away enraptured, his own strong nationalism redoubled. "What a sweet guy!" he exclaimed. "Oh, he's beautiful! His eyes are something to hypnotize you. So polite, so nice. He's lovely!"
For an Arab, he was an unusual type, with russet beard, pink-white skin and blue eyes, looking more European than Oriental.
