Meathead
Diamond Member
The point is that the authorities who are entrusted to protect society do not, and should not have the luxury of self-righteousness and the obligation to dispense justice according to system of quotas. When about 6% of the population {black males, duh} commit about 50% of murders and other violent crimes, it is perhaps better to look for ways to defend the public, including detaining those obviously more likely to murder.To be fair, not all blacks are nuts about guns. A lot of the thus are though, and a society needs to protect itself.Black Americans have to stop being so violent. A society has a right to protect itself regardless of political correctness and the self-righteousness of some of its members.You keep using the proportional argument. But like I said. The crime statistics say blacks commit more crimes, thus are represented more in prison populations, arrests, and death row.
It doesn't exactly work that way. For example, blacks are more likely to receive jail time or the death penalty than whites - for comparable crimes. This is particularly true in capital cases and research has shown that when the perpetrator is black, or the victim is white the penalty is substantially greater.
From: There's blatant inequality at nearly every phase of the criminal justice system
Black Americans are more likely to have their cars searched. Nationally, black drivers are also more likely to be pulled over and less likely to receive a reason for being stopped. In one Rhode Island study, black drivers were stopped more even though they were less likely to receive a citation.
Black Americans are more likely to be arrested for drug use. Police arrest black Americans for drug crimes at twice the rate of whites, according to federal data, despite the fact that whites use drugs at comparable rates and sell drugs at comparable or even higher rates.
Black Americans are more likely to be jailed while awaiting trial. A 2014 study in New York City showed that blacks were more likely than whites or nonblack minorities to be in jail while they await trial, even after controlling for the seriousness of charges and prior record. Other research suggests that this disparity is often due to the fact that black defendants cannot afford to pay bail. The temporary incarceration stigmatizes the defendant, disrupts family life and employment, and makes it harder for the defendant to prepare a defense.
Black Americans are more likely to be offered a plea deal that includes prison time. The same study in New York found that black defendants are more likely to be offered plea deals that include prison time than whites or nonblack minorities. Even after controlling for many factors, including the seriousness of charges and prior record, blacks were 13 percent more likely than whites to be offered such deals. (note - this would certainly influence crime rate statistics where a white person might get a much lighter sentence for felonies, community service, fines, no prison time or the ability to have it expunged from the record after a certain number of years).
Black Americans may be excluded from juries because of their race. Researchers found that North Carolina prosecutors were excluding black people from juries in capital cases at twice the rate of other jurors, even when controlling for legitimate justifications for striking jurors, such as employment status or reservations about the death penalty. Other studies have shown that excluding black people from juries can influence deliberations and verdicts. For example, black defendants in capital cases with white victims are less likely to receive a death sentence if there is a black juror.
Black Americans are more likely to serve longer sentences than white Americans for the same offense.
A 2012 working paper found “robust evidence” that black male federal defendants were given longer sentences than comparable whites. Black men’s sentences were, on average, 10 percent longer than those of their white peers. This is partly explained by the fact that prosecutors are about twice as likely to file charges against blacks that carry mandatory minimum sentences than against whites.
There is more in the article but all of these factors would have an effect on prison populations, skewed conviction rates and even arrest rates if blacks are more likely to have their cars searched or receive penalties for drug convictions.
Loving the fact that we are using the "blacks are over represented, therefore there must be a racist motive" argument. Just because whites make up the majority of the population doesn't mean they have to make up for that by being the majority of prison populations, killers, or death row inmates.
Placing it all under racism would be oversimplifying it - many factors influence crime rates and arrest rates, for example poverty - which effects one's ability to mount a good defense or make bail (as just one example). However, when you read the article I cited above it is also quite clear that there are racist elements involved as well: striking blacks from juries, the disproportionate representation of blacks on death row and the way death sentences are given as well as sentencing for drug crimes and the offering of plea deals.
That's the whole thing, expectations don't mirror reality. Your expectations are rather naive "there are more whites than blacks, therefore there should be more whites than black on death row, or arrested, or..."
In 2005, the following was found in "The Color of Crime"
- Blacks are seven times more likely than people of other races to commit murder, and eight times more likely to commit robbery.
- When Blacks commit crimes of violence, they are nearly three times more likely than non-Blacks to use a gun, and more than twice as likely to use a knife.
- Hispanics commit violent crimes at roughly three times the white rate, and Asians commit violent crimes at about one quarter the White rate.
- The single best indicator of violent crime levels in an area is the percentage of the population that is Black and Hispanic.
- Of the nearly 770,000 violent interracial crimes committed every year involving Blacks and Whites, Blacks commit 85 percent and Whites commit 15 percent.
- Blacks commit more violent crime against whites than against blacks. Forty-five percent of their victims are white, 43 percent are Black, and 10 percent are Hispanic. When Whites commit violent crime, only three percent of their victims are Black.
- Blacks are an estimated 39 times more likely to commit a violent crime against a White than vice versa, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery.
- Blacks are 2.25 times more likely to commit officially-designated hate crimes against whites than vice versa.
- Only 10 percent of youth gang members are white.
- Hispanics are 19 times more likely than whites to be members of youth gangs. Blacks are 15 times more likely, and Asians are nine times more likely.
- Between 1980 and 2003 the US incarceration rate more than tripled, from 139 to 482 per 100,000, and the number of prisoners increased from 320,000 to 1.39 million.
- Blacks are seven times more likely to be in prison than Whites. Hispanics are three times more likely.
The Color of Crime (Second, Expanded Edition, 2005)
You can see here that the high crime rate directly correlates with the high incarceration rate.
The Color of Crime is a problematic resource and I question it's scholarship: New Century Foundation - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tim Wise wrote the following rebuttal to it in The Color of Deception: Race, Crime and Sloppy Social Science
“A lie can travel half-way around the world while the truth is still pulling on its boots.”
Stoking Fears About Interracial Crime — A Look at How Racists Do Math
Next, Taylor claims that most victims of black violent crime are white, and thus, that blacks are violently targeting whites. Furthermore, since only a small share of the victims of white criminals are black (only 4.4 percent in 2002, for example), this means that blacks are far more of a threat to whites than vice-versa. But there are several problems with these claims.
To begin with, the white victim totals in the Justice Department’s victimization data include those termed Hispanic by the Census, since nine in ten Latino/as are considered racially white by government record-keepers. Since Latinos and Latinas tend to live closer to blacks than non-Hispanic whites, this means that many “white” victims of “black crime” are Latino or Latina, and that in any given year, the majority of black crime victims would be people of color, not whites.
But even if we compute the white totals as Taylor does, without breaking out Hispanic victims of “black crime,” his position is without merit. In 2002, whites, including Latinos, were about 81.5 percent of the population (3). That same year, whites (including Latinos) were 51 percent of the victims of violent crimes committed by blacks, meaning that whites were victimized by blacks less often than would have been expected by random chance, given the extent to which whites were available to be victimized (4).
As for the claim that blacks victimize whites at rates that are far higher than the reverse, though true, this statistic is meaningless, for a few obvious but overlooked reasons, first among them the simple truth that if whites are more available as potential victims, we would naturally expect black criminals to victimize whites more often than white criminals would victimize blacks. Examining data from 2002, there were indeed 4.5 times more black-on-white violent crimes than the reverse (5). While this may seem to support Taylor’s position, it actually destroys it, because the interracial crime gap, though seemingly large, is smaller than random chance would have predicted. The critical factor ignored by Taylor is the extent to which whites and blacks encounter each other in the first place. Because of ongoing racial isolation and de facto segregation, the two group’s members do not encounter one another at rates commensurate with their shares of the population: a fact that literally torpedoes the claims in The Color of Crime.
As sociologist Robert O’Brian has noted (using Census data), the odds of a given white person (or white criminal for that matter) encountering a black person are only about three percent. On the other hand, the odds of a given black person (or black criminal) encountering a white person are nineteen times greater, or fifty-seven percent (6), meaning the actual interracial victimization gap between black-on-white and white-on-black crime is smaller than one would expect. In 2002, blacks committed a little more than 1.2 million violent crimes, while whites committed a little more than three million violent crimes (7). If each black criminal had a 57 percent chance of encountering (and thus potentially victimizing) a white person, this means that over the course of 2002, blacks should have been expected to victimize roughly 690,000 whites. But in truth, blacks victimized whites only 614,176 times that year (8). Conversely, if each white criminal had only a three percent chance of encountering and thus victimizing a black person, this means that over the course of 2002, whites would have been expected to victimize roughly 93,000 blacks. But in truth, whites victimized blacks 135,931 times: almost 50 percent more often than would be expected by random chance (9).
Indeed, given relative crime rates as well as rates of interracial encounter, random chance would have predicted the ratio of black-on-white to white-on-black victimization at roughly 7.4 to one. Yet, as the data makes clear, there were only 4.5 times more black-on-white crimes than white-on-black crimes in 2002. In other words, given encounter ratios, black criminals victimize whites less often than could be expected, while white criminals victimize blacks more often than could be expected.
Of course society has a right to protect itself. Crazy damn gunrights nuts.
A lot of the thus? Who's thus? Roof? Lanza? Holmes? Loughner?
Horrific, I'm sure, but there you go.
