Most Palestinian detainees brought to Ofer spend only a few minutes in front of a judge — an Israeli army officer, either on active or reserve duty. Wearing brown Israeli prison uniforms and shackled at their hands and feet, the prisoners' hearings are held entirely in Hebrew, with translations to and from Arabic by Israeli soldiers.
“The translation in these courts is not professional. There’s a problem with evidential procedures and the fact that they rely on secret materials. These are not fair trials,” Francis told
Al-Monitor.
“Since the beginning of the occupation in 1967, when Israel immediately founded the military orders, which also established the military courts, they started to define all political activities in the occupied territories as illegal, including political parties, demonstrations, even publishing certain books.”
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Almost 100% conviction rate
In 2011,
Haaretz reported that
almost all cases heard by Israeli military courts — 99.74% — resulted in convictions. The military appeals courts also overwhelming sided with Israeli army prosecutors, with 67% of appeals filed by the state accepted, versus only 33% filed by the defense.
Israeli human rights group
B'Tselem also reported that
of the 835 Palestinian minors that were arrested and tried in military courts between 2005 and 2010 on charges of throwing stones, only one was acquitted.
This reality highlights the widespread challenges attorneys face when trying to defend Palestinians charged within this system.
For many, especially attorneys who hold West Bank-only IDs, the first step of physically accessing Israeli prisons and military courts to speak with their clients is difficult. Military orders are also not made readily available to the lawyers, and transcripts of detainee interrogations are often incomplete and also difficult to access.
“There’s no legal handbook you can buy in a military bookstore. There’s almost no access to the laws or jurisprudence of the military courts,” said Israeli attorney Gaby Lasky, who regularly represents Palestinian detainees,
in a report titled, “Defending Palestinian Prisoners.”
Secret evidence is also often used, which makes building a defense nearly impossible. This is especially true in cases of Palestinians held under Israeli administrative-detention orders, which allow Israel to hold Palestinians without charge or trial for indefinite periods and without disclosing any evidence to the defense on “security” grounds.
Unequal application of the law
Although they technically live within the same geographical area, Palestinians and Israeli settlers living in the West Bank are subject to two separate legal systems: Palestinians are subject to the military courts, and settlers are governed by Israeli civil law.
Even after dozens of Israeli settlers vandalized vehicles on an Israeli military base and assaulted a top Israeli army commander in 2011, the Israeli military opposed a government suggestion that settlers also be tried in the military courts.
Prosecuting Israeli settlers in military courts would,
IDF sources argued, “create further political rifts within the army, which they characterized as a strategic problem for Israel's military.”
“If a settler violates the law, or if a settler attacks a Palestinian or kills a Palestinian, they would be subject to the civil system inside Israel and receive all the protections [therein],” explained Addameer’s Sahar Francis.
“The Israelis were using this system and the policy of imprisonment to target hundreds of thousands of Palestinians all these years. This is what makes the cases of the prisoners very important. It needs lots of effort in order to protect [Palestinians] against such violations and grave breaches for the Fourth Geneva Convention.”