Lol of course it is the effect of Citizens United. Can you not read? God you republicans are
Lol these are groups who support and are owned by the Koch Brothers. A sum that represents their own interests.
And yeah, this is obviously an effect of the ruling you Mook. This ruling allows any INDIVIDUAL to give as much as they want to a Super PAC. Before that was just $2,700 per person.
Link? It's $2,700 for a candidate, not a PAC, never has been.
Yeah and before that you couldn't donate unlimited funding to a PAC. How is this not sinking in? And, Christ, when do you EVER provide links of your own? Why haven't you thus far into this conversation for instance?
Here ya go:
My bold
Justice Kennedy's majority opinion
[24] found that the BCRA §203
prohibition of all independent expenditures by corporations and unions violated the First Amendment's protection of free speech. The majority wrote, "If the First Amendment has any force, it prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens, for simply engaging in political speech."
[25]
Justice Kennedy's opinion for the majority also noted that because
the First Amendment does not distinguish between media and other corporations, these restrictions would allow Congress to suppress political speech in newspapers, books, television, and blogs.[4] The Court overruled
Austin, which had held that a state law that prohibited corporations from using treasury money to support or oppose candidates in elections did not violate the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The Court also overruled that portion of
McConnell that upheld BCRA's restriction of corporate spending on "electioneering communications". The Court's ruling effectively freed corporations and unions to spend money both on "electioneering communications" and to directly advocate for the election or defeat of candidates (although not to contribute directly to candidates or political parties).
The majority argued that the First Amendment protects
associations of individuals in addition to individual speakers, and further that
the First Amendment does not allow prohibitions of speech based on the identity of the speaker. Corporations, as associations of individuals, therefore have speech rights under the First Amendment.
Because spending money is essential to disseminating speech, as established in Buckley v. Valeo, limiting a corporation's ability to spend money is unconstitutional because it limits the ability of its members to associate effectively and to speak on political issues.
The majority overruled Austin because that decision allowed different restrictions on speech-related spending based on corporate identity. Additionally, the majority argued that Austin was based on an "equality" rationale – trying to equalize speech between different speakers – that the Court had previously rejected as illegitimate under the First Amendment in Buckley. The Michigan statute at issue in
Austin had distinguished between corporate and union spending, prohibiting the former while allowing the latter. The
Austin Court, over vigorous dissent by Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Sandra Day O'Connor, had held that such distinctions were within the legislature's prerogative. In
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, however, the majority argued that the First Amendment purposefully keeps the government from interfering in the "marketplace of ideas" and "rationing" speech, and
it is not up to the legislatures or the courts to create a sense of "fairness" by restricting speech.[24]
The majority also criticized
Austin's reasoning that the "distorting effect" of large corporate expenditures constituted a risk of corruption or the appearance of corruption. Rather, the majority argued that the government had no place in determining whether large expenditures distorted an audience's perceptions, and that the type of "corruption" that might justify government controls on spending for speech had to relate to some form of "quid pro quo" transaction:
"There is no such thing as too much speech."[24] The public has a right to have access to all information and to determine the reliability and importance of the information. Additionally, the majority did not believe that reliable evidence substantiated the risk of corruption or the appearance of corruption, and so this rationale did not satisfy strict scrutiny.
The majority opinion relied heavily on the reasoning and principles of the landmark campaign finance case of
Buckley and
First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, in which the Court struck down a broad prohibition against independent expenditures by corporations in ballot initiatives and referenda.
[24] Specifically, the majority echoed
Bellotti's rejection of categories based on a corporation's purpose.
The majority argued that to grant First Amendment protections to media corporations but not others presented a host of problems, and so all corporations should be equally protected from expenditure restrictions.
The Court found that BCRA §§201 and 311, provisions requiring disclosure of the funder, were valid as applied to the movie advertisements and to the movie itself.
[24] The majority opinion argued for the disclosure of the sources of campaign contributions, saying that
...prompt disclosure of expenditures can provide shareholders and citizens with the information needed to hold corporations and elected officials accountable for their positions and supporters. Shareholders can determine whether their corporation’s political speech advances the corporation’s interest in making profits, and citizens can see whether elected officials are "in the pocket" of so-called moneyed interests...This transparency enables the electorate to make informed decisions and give proper weight to different speakers and messages.
[26][27]
Citizens United v. FEC - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
It's all about the 1st Amendment, period, end of story.