By Yekaterina Kudashkina — The Voice of Russia
February 20, 2013
LONDON,— Dr. Yanrosh Keles, a lecturer at the London Metropolitan University, comments on the protest staged by Turkey's Kurds on the anniversary of Abdullah Ocalan's capture and the issue of Kurd-Tukish settlement.
I have to make it clear that since February in 1999 Kurds’ diaspora but also in their homeland have systematically demonstrated to mark the anniversary of the capture of Mr. Ocalan – the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party who has been abducted by the Turkish state in Kenya on February 15 in 1999. And of course what is different this year is that firstly there is that hope between Mr. Ocalan and the Turkish Government to find a sustainable solution for Turkish-Kurdish questions.
And therefore demonstrators demanded freedom for Ocalan to play his role in a possible negotiation process and to have access to information and communicate with his colleagues and other Kurdish actors.
And secondly the demonstrators called for justice and proper investigation regarding the execution of Sakine Cansiz, the co-founder of the PKK, and also Fidan Doğan, the representative of the Kurdistan National Congress in Paris, and also Leyla Soylemez, member of the Kurdish Youth who has been assassinated in Paris on the 9th of January.
And finally, as you know there is a huge development in the west Kurdistan, in Syrian Kurdistan. The Kurds have highlighted the transnational support for the Kurds in Syrian Kurdistan. They demanded international attention and support for their brothers and sisters in western Kurdistan who are under attacks of the Turkish Government supported by Al Qaeda or Salafi.
Regarding your questions, I think that there is a talk between the Turkish Government and Ocalan to find the possible, sustainable peaceful solution for Turkey’s Kurdish question. And it seems that Kurdish and Turkish people in Turkey are ready for such a process because after 30 years war between the Turkish state and the Kurds about 35 000 people have been killed, and about 70 000 people have disappeared and many of them, of course we know that there was some paramilitary group, which is responsible for the killing of thousands of Kurdish people in Turkish Kurdistan, but also Istanbul and other cities.
Now, I think we are at a turning point of whether we will have a solution to the Kurdish question. I don’t like the term “Kurdish question”, it is Turkey’s Kurdish question because it is not the question that Kurds created and not the problem that Kurds caused. This is the Turkey’s Kurdish question because the Turkish Government has denied the existence of the Kurdish people in Turkey and even banned their language and their traditions. After 85 years now we are turning to the beginning – whether we will have the federation or the autonomy for Kurds in Turkish Kurdistan. And this is the debate about this.
But what could be the solutions to the problem?
The solution should be – Turkey has to accept that Turkey is a multiethnic, multistate, multilingual country. And until now the policies of the Turkish Government were to assimilate all ethnic groups, to create an imagined Turkish nation. However, as we can see after different uprisings of the Kurdish people this project, the Turkish imagined political concept didn’t work, the national politics of the Turkish Government didn’t work.
The solution is to have a peace process, to talk to each other, to accept the Kurds as actors, to accept the representatives of the Kurdish people. And also to give the equal citizenship that shouldn’t be that all the Kurds forced to learn Turkish. The Turkish language play a dominant role, the Kurdish language however is still criminalized and Kurds are still not allowed to have a formal education on their mother-tongue. All this bias should be removed and Turkey has to accept that the Kurdish language should be the second official language in Turkey. And also Turkey has to introduce a new constitution which accepts the existence of the Kurds and their political representatives in Turkey.
But Sir, is this kind of solution viable under the current Government?
It is possible, I mean we have to take into account that the other governments, let’s say Demirel Government, Çiller Government and other governments, they aimed at eliminating the Kurdish political movement in Turkey. But this Government has introduced some legislations, for example that now the Kurds have the right to give a statement in a court. Even though, still, if they want to speak in court, if they want to have an interpreter they have to pay themselves which is unacceptable because if you want to speak your mother-tongue but you have to pay for this. This is another way of punishment of Kurds.
But there are some marks, there are some intentions to negotiate with Kurds not directly, but indirectly and to accept the existence of the Kurds. For example, there is now 24 hour broadcasting in Kurdish. Of course still in this TRT 6, the 24 hour broadcasting in Kurdish, they are making the propaganda of the Turkish state in some ways, but still we can see that there is a power base shift in the politics of the Turkish state.
Until the AKP Government the other governments have totally denied the existence of the Kurds. Even in some cases they said – we accept the Kurdish existence – but still, they attacked the Kurds, they imprisoned the Kurdish people and as I mentioned many people have been have disappeared and killed by paramilitary groups.
But today there are some statements which give hope to people that there will be a political process. In other way the Kurds, if to compare this situation with the 1990s, Kurds now have more resources – political resources, they have media (for example, they have the federal television, the newspaper) – which create a sense of belonging among Kurds, bring the Kurds together in diaspora but also in their homeland. This will help them to create a political entity in Turkey and make possible to demand more rights – cultural, political rights for the Kurdish people.
Don’t you think that in such circumstances Mr. Erdogan would make an elegant move if he let Mr. Ocalan go?
This is a long process. I believe Ocalan will come out one day from the prison because accept it or not, but Ocalan is a key figure in this process. Ocalan is a symbol, figure associated by many Turks with someone who wants to divide the Turkish national territory or undermine its unity in order to establish an independent Kurdistan.
But for the majority of Kurds Ocalan, even the Kurdish dissidents who criticize Ocalan and PKK, they see him and his political movement as the ones who brought the voice of Kurds onto the international political level forcing Turkey to challenge its discriminatory assimilation policies and recognize the Kurdish existence in Turkey. And therefore Ocalan has a huge broader support among the Kurds, not only of Kurds living in Turkish Kurdistan, but of Kurds living in Iran, in Iraq, in east Kurdistan, in south Kurdistan, in west or Syrian Kurdistan.
And we also hear the huge support among the Kurdish diaspora which has created a transnational Kurdish political movement in Europe lobbying for Kurds and for PKK, and also highlighting the situation of Ocalan in Turkish prison. Therefore, I believe maybe Ocalan will be under a house arrest for certain time and later on Ocalan will be free. I mean we have to also remember the case of Mandela. Mandela was imprisoned and later on he was under a house arrest, and later on he was freed. This is one good example for the case of Ocalan I think. I mean there are similar features between Ocalan case and Mandela case.
This demonstration across the nation’s state borders constructs a transnation state. The Kurdish issue is not anymore limited to the territory of Turkey, it is beyond these territories. In this transnational dynamic, Kurdish migrants in part reconfigure and negotiate, and reproduce their ethnic group identities. And for the Kurds involved in the political transnationalism, which we talked about regarding the demonstrations, this identity became visible to lobbying for the homeland, organizing rallies, rising funds for political parties and networks in homeland.
Of course, as I mentioned, the rapid development of transport and communication technologies have contributed to the exchange of resources and information along with participation in socio-cultural and political activities among the Kurds in different political spheres. When Saddam Hussein used chemical weapons against the Kurds in Halabja in 1989, the Kurds demonstrated but many of the Kurds didn’t know what was going on in Iraq because at that time there wasn’t any Kurdish media, Kurdish transnational television.
But when Ocalan was abducted in 1999, at that time there was the Kurdish television which has collected the Kurds across the geographical space, across the national borders and created a sense of belonging to the Kurdish nation or a sentiment of belonging to the Kurdish nation. And therefore, I think today in these demonstrations, in the peace process, if we will have the peace negotiations the Kurdish media will play central role in informing the Kurds in diaspora but also in their homeland.
Dr. Keles, thank you so much. And just to remind our guest speaker was Dr. Yanrosh Keles – lecturer at the London Metropolitan University.
Copyright ©, respective author or news agency, ruvr.ru