Quotes from the president:
Quotes from the president:
But I did want to just talk a little bit about context and how people have responded to it and how people are feeling. You know, when Trayvon Martin was first shot, I said that this could have been my son. Another way of saying that is Trayvon Martin could have been me 35 years ago. And when you think about why, in the African- American community at least, thereÂ’s a lot of pain around what happened here, I think itÂ’s important to recognize that the African- American community is looking at this issue through a set of experiences and a history that -- that doesnÂ’t go away.
[Because of history it is okay to claim this was racist even though it wasnÂ’t?]
There are very few African-American men in this country who havenÂ’t had the experience of being followed when they were shopping in a department store. That includes me. And there are very few African-American men who havenÂ’t had the experience of walking across the street and hearing the locks click on the doors of cars. That happens to me, at least before I was a senator. There are very few African-Americans who havenÂ’t had the experience of getting on an elevator and a woman clutching her purse nervously and holding her breath until she had a chance to get off. That happens often.
[Drawing conclusions that this could only be occurring because they are black?]
And you know, I donÂ’t want to exaggerate this, but those sets of experiences inform how the African-American community interprets what happened one night in Florida. And itÂ’s inescapable for people to bring those experiences to bear.
[So that makes it ok?]
The African-American community is also knowledgeable that there is a history of racial disparities in the application of our criminal laws, everything from the death penalty to enforcement of our drug laws. And that ends up having an impact in terms of how people interpret the case.
[Really so we are today applying civil rights violations in our legal system?]
Now, this isnÂ’t to say that the African-American community is naive about the fact that African-American young men are disproportionately involved in the criminal justice system, that they are disproportionately both victims and perpetrators of violence. ItÂ’s not to make excuses for that fact, although black folks do interpret the reasons for that in a historical context.
Sure there is a lot of young black violence but it is not their fault
We understand that some of the violence that takes place in poor black neighborhoods around the country is born out of a very violent past in this country, and that the poverty and dysfunction that we see in those communities can be traced to a very difficult history.
[Because of racial problems is the only reason for violence in the black communities]
And so the fact that sometimes thatÂ’s unacknowledged adds to the frustration. And the fact that a lot of African-American boys are painted with a broad brush and the excuse is given, well, there are these statistics out there that show that African-American boys are more violent -- using that as an excuse to then see sons treated differently causes pain.
[Again just because they are black and has nothing to do with the idealizing the gang culture and dressing like gangsters and acting like gangsters has not impact at all? Has nothing to do with the drugs or the type of rappers they identify with?]
I think the African-American community is also not naive in understanding that statistically somebody like Trayvon Martin was probably statistically more likely to be shot by a peer than he was by somebody else.
So -- so folks understand the challenges that exist for African- American boys, but they get frustrated, I think, if they feel that thereÂ’s no context for it or -- and that context is being denied. And -- and that all contributes, I think, to a sense that if a white male teen was involved in the same kind of scenario, that, from top to bottom, both the outcome and the aftermath might have been different.
What proof is there of this statement? This is just conjecture because obviously everyone in America including the justice system is racist toward blacks?
Now, the question for me at least, and I think, for a lot of folks is, where do we take this? How do we learn some lessons from this and move in a positive direction? You know, I think itÂ’s understandable that there have been demonstrations and vigils and protests, and some of that stuff is just going to have to work its way through as long as it remains nonviolent. If I see any violence, then I will remind folks that that dishonors what happened to Trayvon Martin and his family.
[Not that violence is not deserved in this situation but because it would dishonor the memory]
Number one, precisely because law enforcement is often determined at the state and local level, I think itÂ’d be productive for the Justice Department -- governors, mayors to work with law enforcement about training at the state and local levels in order to reduce the kind of mistrust in the system that sometimes currently exists.
You know, when I was in Illinois I passed racial profiling legislation. And it actually did just two simple things. One, it collected data on traffic stops and the race of the person who was stopped. But the other thing was it resourced us training police departments across the state on how to think about potential racial bias and ways to further professionalize what they were doing.
And initially, the police departments across the state were resistant, but actually they came to recognize that if it was done in a fair, straightforward way, that it would allow them to do their jobs better and communities would have more confidence in them and in turn be more helpful in applying the law. And obviously law enforcementÂ’s got a very tough job.
So thatÂ’s one area where I think there are a lot of resources and best practices that could be brought bear if state and local governments are receptive. And I think a lot of them would be. And -- and letÂ’s figure out other ways for us to push out that kind of training.
[Again that this all happened obviously because everyone in Florida handling this was racist. They were all out to get the black man and we need to change that.]
Along the same lines, I think it would be useful for us to examine some state and local laws to see if it -- if they are designed in such a way that they may encourage the kinds of altercations and confrontations and tragedies that we saw in the Florida case, rather than defuse potential altercations.
I know that thereÂ’s been commentary about the fact that the stand your ground laws in Florida were not used as a defense in the case.
On the other hand, if weÂ’re sending a message as a society in our communities that someone who is armed potentially has the right to use those firearms even if thereÂ’s a way for them to exit from a situation, is that really going to be contributing to the kind of peace and security and order that weÂ’d like to see?
[What is the excuse for Illinois?]
And for those who resist that idea that we should think about something like these “stand your ground” laws, I just ask people to consider if Trayvon Martin was of age and armed, could he have stood his ground on that sidewalk? And do we actually think that he would have been justified in shooting Mr. Zimmerman, who had followed him in a car, because he felt threatened?
[Zimmerman did not just feel threatened but he was attacked. That is a big difference there. But obviously the only different is because he was black right?]