Another problem is closely related: The history now taught in schools is often ideologically motivated revisionism. Signs of this are everywhere, though one example will have to suffice: During the period marking the dedication of the World War II Memorial on the Mall, the Washington Post did a story on knowledge of the Second World War among Virginia high-schoolers. What did the students know? A little bit about Hitler; a bit on the Holocaust. Nothing on Mussolini. Nothing on Japanese Fascism, or the rape of Nanking, or the victimization of Korea, or the willful destruction of Manila in 1945. But students were well informed about the Nisei – the Japanese Americans interned by Roosevelt at the beginning of World War II.
Was the Nisei episode an injustice? Of course. Have we acknowledged as much? Yes. Have we compensated the survivors and heirs? Yes. But what scholar would say that this is the main or most important story to come out of World War II? Even the writer for the Washington Post was shocked.
He shouldn't have been. In a study for the American Textbook Council in 2000, historian Gilbert Sewall reviewed in depth the PC influence on history textbooks in the last decades of the 20th century. Most of the textbooks advanced one trend, summarized in the ultimate example of PC history, the so-called National History Standards of 1994. These were in part produced, ironically, by the federal government. The project started innocently enough and was part of the attempt to establish Goals 2000 – a set of standards of what K-12 public-school students should know in such subjects as math, English, and history. In 1989, President George H. W. Bush endorsed Goals 2000, and the Department of Education and the National Endowment for the Humanities, under Lynne Cheney, funded the history set.
The goal was to write an inclusive history of the United States – that is, one that would enrich and expand upon the points that students have always learned about political, military, diplomatic, and scientific history – the domain of the "Dead White Euromales." To be added was a "history from below," the new stories of excellent and neglected achievements in women's history, black history, ethnic history in general, and labor studies. In short, "history from above" was to meet "history from below," so that students would be introduced to the totality of American experience.
It didn't work out that way. After President Clinton was elected – though unbeknownst to his appointees – the project took a different tack. Headed by Gary Nash, a professor of history at UCLA and an expert in African-American history, the project moved away from inclusion, enrichment, and expansion into exclusion and the denigration of dead white Euromales. Out went emphases on the Pilgrims and Williamsburg; in came long passages on Mansu Musa, a West African king whose region was decimated by the slave trade. Gone were Jefferson and Franklin, replaced with stories of friction between labor and the wealthier classes during the Revolution. On the subject of the Cold War, out went Joseph Stalin and in came Joe McCarthy, Joe McCarthy, and (surprise!) Joe McCarthy. Many of the new points were worth making, but the accumulative denigration of the dead white males was both unscholarly and unhistorical. The once noble goal of general inclusion became a left-wing mechanism to exclude the historical role of Europeans in building America.
One perfect example was the treatment of George Washington, who was hardly mentioned in the standards at all. On NBC's Dateline, Jane Pauley asked Gary Nash what was the one thing American students should know about Washington. The answer: "He was a member of a slaveholding aristocracy." That was it. Never mind that without Washington's genius in leading a rag-tag militia against the greatest military power on earth, this nation would not have come to be. Forget that without his guidance in the early Federal era, the country might easily have swerved toward the extremes of either monarchy or anarchy, as France did shortly after. Indeed, without Washington, the radical poet William Blake wrote, "the Earth would have lost something of the infinite." Radicals used to know such things.
Yes, Washington was a slaveholder. He wished, however, for an end to slavery. He sold none of his slaves out of their families and freed them at his death. Furthermore, he never asked questions about the origins of the black men in his army, and there were plenty. Washington was indeed a slaveholder, but that isn't the whole story. Nash was speaking ideology, not history.
Such leftist bias was in full display in the content of the National Standards. In covering the Cold War, for example, the United States and the Soviet Union were presented as morally equal adversaries participating in a kind of childish "sword play." To be sure, we can regret some of America's political actions in the 1950s and beyond. But it's historically untenable to deny the fact that the Cold War was rooted primarily in Stalin's desire to subvert as much of Europe as he could. We know this. We have the Venona transcripts and other KGB documents, unsealed after 1990, to prove it. We also have the memoirs of the grandchildren of Stalin's insiders (those who survived him) telling us how kind Uncle Joe used to talk about the inevitability of nuclear war – and how he intended to win it. In its attempt at moral equivalence, the history standards fell into plain dishonesty.