According to the agreement, "for 15 years, Iran will permit the IAEA to implement continuous monitoring, including through containment and surveillance measures, as necessary, to verify that stored centrifuges and infrastructure remain in storage, and are only used to replace failed or damaged centrifuges."
This round-the-clock monitoring will explicitly include "electronic seals which communicate their status within nuclear sites to IAEA inspectors, as well as other IAEA approved and certified modern technologies," according to the agreement.
For instance, at an Iranian facility like Natanz, where more than 5,000 centrifuges will be operating, the IAEA will have cameras that provide 24-hour monitoring, said Matthew Bunn, a nuclear specialist at the Harvard Kennedy School. In addition, the agreement says, "Iran will permit the IAEA regular access, including daily access as requested by the IAEA, to relevant buildings at (the Iranian nuclear facility at) Natanz ... for 15 years."
However, this sort of 24/7 surveillance will not be the rule everywhere in the Iranian nuclear archipelago.
"At most locations, inspections will be every once in a while, on a schedule the inspectors judge to be sufficient based on the sensitivity of the activities at that location, how long it would take for Iran to do something there that would make a difference, and so on," Bunn said.
For this reason,"I would not say it’s accurate that the entire program is under ‘lock, key, and camera 24 hours a day, 365 days a year,’ " Bunn said. The other sites have "the potential to be inspected at any time, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, but in reality there won’t be inspectors or cameras physically there all the time."
In fact, even if Iran ultimately agrees to a contentious inspection, the wait could be as long as 24 days.
The agreement spells out that if the IAEA and Iran can’t work out their differences over suspicions about undeclared nuclear materials or activities within 14 days, a joint commission empowered by the agreement would try to resolve the situation for another seven days. Once the commission decides what to do, Iran would have three more days to follow through.
There is wide agreement that the inspection protocols are the most stringent devised for any country not defeated in war. But there is less agreement on whether that standard is sufficient to stop a country intent on getting nuclear weapons from getting them.
Rick Brennan, a senior political scientist at the Rand Corp., a think tank, calls the protocol a "far cry" from the ironclad promises Beyer makes.
"There are a number of provisions in the monitoring regime that enable Iran to delay, obstruct, and eventually prevent IAEA inspectors from effectively monitoring any portion of the Iranian nuclear program that it seeks to hide," Brennan said. Five of the eight members of the joint commission would have to agree to both the concerns of the IAEA and the protocols involving that specific inspection, he said, calling it "an extremely high hurdle because China and Russia will almost certainly side with Iran on most issues."
Theodore R. Bromund, a senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, agreed.
"The real problem is this: When inspectors get delayed, denied, hassled, bugged, followed, or pelted by stones from ‘spontaneous’ mobs, what do you do? We should recall that Clinton bombed Iraq in Operation Desert Fox in 1998. Will Obama do that? I very much doubt it," he said.