Arab Imperialism Unmasked: The Hypocrisy Behind the Anti-Israel Agenda

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Stand with Ukraine, or 'Putin give us sex slaves'?
"Free Palestine" messages in Arabic

Kräver eldupphör på svenska – men uppmanar till fortsatt krig på arabiska

Dubbla budskap på demonstrationer för Palestina i Malmö.

www.sydsvenskan.se

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Abolish The Kafala Slavery in Lebanon

In this episode, Stephani takes on understanding the Kafala System in Lebanon with the insight and knowledge of This is Lebanon. Together, they dive deep into the history, policies and horrific stories of what we call today, the modern-day slavery, Kafala System.


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Mass Fleeing From Lebanon

The influx from Lebanon - by air, land and even by sea: tens of thousands of citizens have already fled Lebanon, because of the war. Those left behind are doing everything in the last few days to find some kind of loophole, a way out of the country that is on the verge of collapse.

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Arab Imperialism and Modern Anti-Israel Rhetoric: A Tale Of Bloody Hypocrisy​

In discussions about the Arab-Israel conflict, anti-Israel rhetoric often frames Israel as a colonial oppressor. However, if we apply this same lens to the history of Arab conquests and the spread of Islam, a stark hypocrisy emerges.

Arab Imperialism

Historically, Arab conquests in the 7th century led to the imposition of Islam and Arab culture across vast regions, including the Levant and vast part of Africa. These conquests involved significant cultural, religious, and political changes imposed on indigenous cultures, fitting the definition of imperialism. This point is underscored by Yasser Arafat’s vision of a unified Arab state from Morocco in Africa to Aden in Arabia, highlighting the goal of exclusive Arab domination over the Middle East.




Double Standards

Anti-Israel campaigns accuse Israel of being a foreign minority, while ignoring the imperialist history of Arab expansion. The same standards applied to Israel would paint an even harsher picture of Arab conquests and their long-lasting impacts on the indigenous nations of the region.

• Why is there a double standard in the way history and current conflicts are framed?
• How do we leverage the hypocrisy in the anti-Israel narrative to engage potential allies, threatened by the same imperialist ideology ruining what has become most of the "Arab world"?

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The Arab invasion of India

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The Legacy of Arab Slave Trade


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While the world turns a blind eye, real apartheid and modern slavery are thriving in the Arab world: in 2021, an estimated 1.7 million men, women, and children were living in modern slavery in the Arab States. Despite having the lowest number of people living in modern slavery across all regions, once population was considered, the Arab States have the highest prevalence of modern slavery.

The hypocrisy is glaring. How can those who perpetuate real apartheid accuse Israel of what they practice daily?

Read the full article - Arab States: Walk Free

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The Muslim slave trade in Africa began centuries before the European and U.S. slave trade. It continued for decades after slavery was outlawed in the West. It was finally ended by European military action.

Muslim slave traders castrated male slaves. In addition, they often cut off the penises of Negro slaves. This was done without anesthesia and anesthetics. Many boys and men, especially Negro boys and men, died from this operation.

 

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The Muslim slave trade in Africa began centuries before the European and U.S. slave trade. It continued for decades after slavery was outlawed in the West. It was finally ended by European military action.

Muslim slave traders castrated male slaves. In addition, they often cut off the penises of Negro slaves. This was done without anesthesia and anesthetics. Many boys and men, especially Negro boys and men, died from this operation.

You've nailed a point that’s often swept under the rug—Arab imperialism didn’t just stop at borders; it invaded lives, dignity, and freedom. The brutality of the Muslim slave trade is a glaring hypocrisy that the anti-Israel agenda tries to bury. Yet, while Europe moved on, it was only European force that put an end to it.

Arab imperialism enslaves more than land—it enslaves souls.

How can we hold those who openly glorify and practice it accountable today?

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You've nailed a point that’s often swept under the rug—Arab imperialism didn’t just stop at borders; it invaded lives, dignity, and freedom. The brutality of the Muslim slave trade is a glaring hypocrisy that the anti-Israel agenda tries to bury. Yet, while Europe moved on, it was only European force that put an end to it.

Arab imperialism enslaves more than land—it enslaves souls.

How can we hold those who openly glorify and practice it accountable today?

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Muslims also raided the coasts of Europe for slaves all the way to Iceland.

 

[rylah]

Abolish Kafala Slavery in Lebanon

In this episode, Stephani takes on understanding the Kafala System in Lebanon with the insight and knowledge of This is Lebanon. Together, they dive deep into the history, policies and horrific stories of what we call today, the modern-day slavery, Kafala System.


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Four Years Later, Migrant Workers Reflect on Beirut Blast​

Migrant domestic workers who survived the Beirut explosion feel forgotten and traumatized.

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Roise Njeri Mwaura was taking a short afternoon respite from her five-month-old son and from her daily hours of difficult cleaning work, to get her hair freshly braided at a Black-owned beauty salon in Beirut.

Suddenly: an ear-shattering boom. The building around her shook as tiny shards of glass sprayed across the room like sharp bits of a broken mosaic. One of them sliced across her earlobe. “Went we went outside, we started seeing smoke, and we thought: ‘Maybe there’s a war.’”

It was Aug. 4, 2020.

Thousands of tons of improperly stored ammonium nitrate had just caught fire and exploded at Beirut’s port, causing one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history. Hundreds of buildings in the heart of the capital had just been shredded to bits in a matter of seconds, killing more than 200 people and, eventually, sparking a beleaguered investigation that remains stalled to this day.

But Roise, a 27-year-old migrant domestic worker from Nairobi, Kenya, had no way of knowing all of that just yet. First, she realized, she needed to find her baby son Steve.

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Viany always dreamed of being a fashion designer, after learning to sew at age nine. She imagined herself traveling to France, starting her own fashion line, showing off her work in Paris Fashion Week. She began secondary schooling in sewing after graduating high school back in Cameroon.

So when a kafala recruiter came to her about 10 years ago, offering her a chance at that dream, Viany jumped at the opportunity. “She said I could come to Lebanon and work for six months, and then I’d be able to go study in France,” Viany remembers. The offer was too good to refuse; she quit fashion school after less than a year and packed up her things for Lebanon.

“Modern Slavery”​

Around 250,000 mostly female migrant domestic workers live and labor in Lebanon through the country’s kafala work sponsorship system — critics and survivors have dubbed it “modern slavery.”

Through kafala, Lebanese employers — usually private households or companies in want of custodial staff — hire special offices to recruit women from foreign countries who travel to Lebanon and work as cleaners, nannies, and cooks.

Often tied by their work and employers to Lebanon’s domestic sphere, including the thousands of homes that line the Beirut port, at least six female migrant workers were killed in the 2020 blast. Others were injured, or lost their homes, passports, and belongings among the wreckage. Survivors told Inkstick they believe the death toll among migrant domestic workers is higher, but thanks to improper documentation, it is likely impossible to know the true number.

Either way, the domestic workers impacted that had come from Ethiopia, Kenya, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, and elsewhere, following promises of good pay and a better life in Lebanon.

That’s not what greeted them.

“They Took My Winter Clothes”​

“Give me more courage! To do what is right! Before my Lord!” proclaims the Nigerian pastor of this tiny, hole-in-the-wall pentecostal church in Beirut, attended mostly by workers from Nigeria and Kenya. “Amen!” the congregants respond.

Among them is Mercy Mgoki, a quiet woman in a prim blue hat.

Mercy, who is married and has several children, was struggling with family problems at home in Nairobi, Kenya, when she made the decision to follow a kafala recruiter to Lebanon.

Read more -

Four Years Later, Migrant Workers Reflect on Beirut Blast

Migrant domestic workers who survived the Beirut explosion on Aug. 4, 2020, say they feel forgotten and traumatized.

inkstickmedia.com

 

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Abolish Kafala Slavery in Lebanon

In this episode, Stephani takes on understanding the Kafala System in Lebanon with the insight and knowledge of This is Lebanon. Together, they dive deep into the history, policies and horrific stories of what we call today, the modern-day slavery, Kafala System.


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Lebanon and Qatar's Kafala Slavery​

Today, an investigative judge in Beirut has rejected the right of MH, the victim in the landmark slavery case challenging the Kafala system in Lebanon, to participate in court proceedings. MH requested reasonable time to return to Lebanon while she cared for her sick mother and to make complex travel arrangements to return from Ethiopia. The judge disagreed with the justifications provided and closed the investigation phase of the case without hearing from its essential witness. MH will appeal the decision, demanding that the investigative judge’s decision be overturned and a new hearing date set. Refusing the victim’s participation is an egregious miscarriage of justice, not only for MH, but for the hundreds of thousands of migrant workers living under the oppressive conditions that characterise the Kafala system.

At the last hearing date on 29 February 2024, the investigative judge also refused to allow MH to testify remotely, even though remote hearing procedures have been permitted in Lebanese courts, particularly during Covid. In rejecting the request for a remote hearing, the judge dismissed the immense hardships MH faces in traveling to Lebanon and insisted that she appear in person. The judge gave MH a mere two months and four days to solve these issues and be present in court in Lebanon without providing any provisions for her security. MH wanted to comply with the judge’s order, despite the difficulty that it entailed. Over the past two months, MH has taken every step to try to overcome the obstacles preventing her travel. But she faces very real threats of retaliation, including the threat of malicious prosecution.

“The Judge’s decision has denied MH, a victim of slavery, slave trading and racial and gender discrimination, the opportunity to speak in court. It is the equivalent of investigating a serious crime without speaking to the victim. MH is the first woman who has had the courage to speak out against the Kafala system and is representative of tens of thousands of women who cannot speak for themselves, not only in Lebanon but across the region,” said Antonia Mulvey, Executive Director of LAW. “The Judge has silenced the victim and has sent a message to others that their voices will not be heard. We cannot accept this and must stand up for all the MH’s worldwide and fight against this.”

PRESS RELEASE: Enslaved Migrant Worker Is Denied Her Right To Testify – Legal Action Worldwide

www.legalactionworldwide.org

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Islamic and Arab Imperialism and Irredentism is driving the conflict between the river and the sea​

The prevailing paradigm concerning the conflict over the land from the Jordan to the Mediterranean runs roughly as follows. Israel is the last manifestation of Western imperialism and colonialism, the most pernicious and pervasive imperialism the world has ever known, something Western democracies renounced after World War II. They came in the 20th century, displaced the natives and stole their land. Palestinian violence against Israelis is fully justified in response to this terrible offense.

Michael Merriman-Lotze articulates it clearly in comparing the violence that comes from the Israeli and the Arab side:

in short it is my opinion that Israeli violence is the violence that must be exercised to maintain a neo-colonial military occupation and apartheid-like inequality. Palestinian violence is the inevitable response to that occupation and apartheid-like inequality. Violence therefore will only end when the occupation and Israeli apartheid end.

Although I think this narrative, and the justification it gives to some otherwise unimaginable behavior, is mistaken, both empirically and morally, I think it has every right to be articulated in the public sphere and taken seriously. I don’t, however, think it’s appropriate for this point of view to demand from its audience that they not familiarise themselves with alternative analyses. Here is my serious response.

Consider the imperial-colonial paradigm and the insight it offers us in understanding how imperial and colonial impulses have contributed to this enduring conflict. There is no question that the thirst for dominion and supremacy play a key role in many wars, usually resolved by a battle in which one side destroys the other’s military and establishes its dominion. The pattern of hardened warriors coming from the margins of a society, committed to a supra-moral solidarity (my side right or wrong), defeating an empire gone soft with success, becoming in a few generations soft in turn, and victim to another hungry tribe, inspired the social historian Ibn Khaldoun, to take it as a law of political behavior.

But empires are not merely militarily superior, they have a cultural force that is best observed in the colonial aspect of their activities, their day-to-day superiority over their conquered peoples. When Western progressives oppose ‘colonial imperialism’ they oppose cultures whose sense of superiority over others is so great that they have the right to subject them and exploit them under threat of destroying them. And as any progressive can tell you, these are things we categorically reject.

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But were progressive anti-imperialists to acknowledge that their (‘Western’) culture is – so far – the only imperial culture to renounce the right of dominion, and to consider that observation’s implications, they would realise a fundamental conceptual error: in renouncing dominion, the West (at the height of its military hegemony), rejected an international norm that had governed international culture the world over for millennia. Thus, exotic ‘others’ like the populations and cultures of the Orient, have always, and still play by la raison du plus fort est toujours la meilleure. Rule or be ruled. Do onto others before they do onto you.

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ARAB-MUSLIM IMPERIAL-COLONIALISM​

However, thinking that the West is the only imperial force worth discussing (and condemning), progressive historians have a marked tendency to ignore the millennium and a half-long history of Islamic and Arab imperialism. And yet, that is precisely the path of thought and analysis that leads to a progressive resolution to the profound conflict.

Of all the ancient empires that rose and fell, the most enduring was the last, the monotheistic empire of Islam. In Muhammad’s day, Arabs were warrior tribes, primarily based in the Saudi peninsula. And yet, within a century of his teachings, Islam had spread and covered the area from Iran to Spain. For both extent and durability, it was the most stunning imperial conquest in the history of the world.

One of the most important indicators of the penetration of a conquest concerns its impact on language. Take England. When Angles and Saxons invaded in the 6th and 7th centuries, they chased out the Celtic inhabitants and replaced their tongue with a Germanic one (Anglo-Saxon). When Scandinavians invaded in the 9th-11th centuries, they had limited impact on the English tongue. When post-millennial Europeanised Normans invaded in 1066, the language war between their aristocratic French and native commoner English went on for centuries, eventually producing a marriage of tongues that made English one of the richest languages known.

In the case of the two extreme points of Muslim conquest, Arabic did not dominate. Shi’i Iran kept its language and much of its culture; and in Spain the conquest was turned around beginning in the 11th century, leaving a limited mark on the language of the natives. But from Iraq to Morocco something much more colonial and invasive occurred. Arabs came in as victorious Muslims, and dominated so thoroughly every aspect of this vast swath of cultures and languages that their language (and many mores) dominated everywhere, largely suppressing and replacing almost all the local ones (cf. Berbers).

I note this because it’s important to understand the remarkable continuity between this conquest and the Arab world today. Indeed, the similarity between the attitudes of Arabs in modern times, and in the early Middle Ages are remarkable on key points:

1. Tribal loyalties: the clan structure has shown great durability in Arab culture: us-them loyalties (my side right or wrong), self-help justice, vendettas.
2. Importance of Warrior Honor: one is not a man without killing another man, inflicting humiliation a source of honor, shame is social death, blackened honor is bleached in blood.
3. Alpha Male dominance: gender roles are governed by the male need to assert honor by controlling the sexuality of his women. According to some readings, Muhammad opposed honor-killings, and yet they prevail in most Arab and Muslim cultures (Pakistan, Afghanistan) today.
4. Strong horse politics: power and the ability to instill fear and inspire loyalty with violence are coin of the realm. Power relations constantly disrupted by power-challenges and vendettas.
5. Triumphalist Religiosity: a form of religious belief that insists on public displays of its superiority, it’s honor, over all other religions. Triumphalists feel the need for public signs of respect for their superiority over others. Right up to Westphalia (1648), Christian triumphalism had legitimated wars, including on civilians. The US constitution constitutes the first time in the history of Christianity, that the winners chose tolerance.
6. Monotheistic Imperialism: Triumphalist religiosity is a widespread phenomenon among the nations. Certainly, the Greeks had no doubt of their cultural superiority and expected everyone to acknowledge it in the places they conquered. But monotheism takes imperialism to new heights, with its political formula ‘One God, one ruler, one faith,’ and its doctrinal claims to a monopoly on salvation for all mankind.

The unimaginable success of the imperial expansion of the first century of Islam fed this triumphalist strain among followers of the Prophet. It led to the division of the world into dar al Islam and dar al Harb: where Muslims rule is the realm of submission, where they do not, is the realm of the sword where infidels who have yet to submit to Islam are harbi – destined to the sword.

Read more -​

Islamic and Arab Imperialism and Irredentism is driving the conflict between the river and the sea

Richard Landes is a historian of millennialism living in Jerusalem; his most recent book, Can “The Whole World” be Wrong?: Lethal Journalism, Antisemitism, and Global Jihad. Introduction: Rethink...

fathomjournal.org

The Link Between Islam and Arab Imperialism​

English philosopher Antony Flew once commented that Islam was “best described in a Marxian way as the uniting and justifying ideology of Arab imperialism.”​

Arab imperialism is a very real phenomenon. As James Sinkinson writes, “Arabs are the most successful colonizers ever.” According to Sinkinson, the “Arab world,” which encompasses 22 countries, owes most of its territory to “the violent subjugation of local indigenous peoples.”​

What evidence supports these claims from Flew and Sinkinson?

Under Islamic law, non-Muslims are required to pay the jizya, or “poll-tax.” However, Arabist Tim Mackintosh-Smith has observed that Christian Arabs during the Muslim conquests were exempted from the jizya by virtue of their ethnicity. In his essay “Jihad,” medieval Muslim scholar Ibn Taimiyya similarly writes that if a group belongs neither to the “People of the Book” nor to the Zoroastrians, “jurists differ whether jizyah should be levied on them or not; the Arabs, however, are exempted by the majority.” In other words, Arabs need not pay the poll-tax.

Add to this the scriptures which imply that Allah prefers the Arabs, or “children of Ishmael,” over other peoples. And even those are only scratching the surface: There are plenty more Islamic traditions which appear to contain a clear pro-Arab bias.

Such elevation of Arabs over other people groups seems to be reflected in popular attitudes as well. One academic notes as much:

Across the Muslim world, Arabs have often seen themselves as the mainstay of Islam, and Islam as the national culture of the Arabs. Nationalism became unpopular when it failed to satisfy Arab aspirations and is now often seen as an import from the West to ‘divide and conquer.’

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Olivier Roy, an expert on political Islam, likewise remarks that the religion lends itself much better to Arab than to non-Arab nationalism. “There is no contradiction,” he says, “between a linguistic and cultural Arabic identity and a logic of Islamization.”

In contrast, “in the non-Arab world, Islamism has developed inconsistently in relation to an ethnic identity.” Here, Islamists have tended to define a country’s identity in terms of its “ties to Islam, rather than by an ethnic-linguistic reference.” Under Roy’s analysis, Islamism coexists with Arab national pride among Arabs, but among non-Arabs, it replaces national identity with Muslim identity.

Scholars have described many times that land has been conquered under the banner of jihad then Arabized by the new rulers. Historian Alex Joffe writes that, following the “Islamic conquests” (which brought the lands east of the Mediterranean under Muslim rule), “Islamization and Arabization” went hand in hand. The process involved “implanting settlers” as well as “encouraging conversion to Islam.”

Andrew Bostom quotes historian Naphtali Lewis, who says that the newly established Islamic caliphate pursued a “nationalistic policy” during the late seventh and early eighth centuries. For instance, “non-Arabs” were “eliminated from government service.” In Muslim Spain, the Arab/non-Arab divide was pronounced.

"Society was sharply divided along ethnic and religious lines, with the Arab tribes at the top of the hierarchy, followed by the Berbers who were never recognized as equals, despite their Islamization; lower in the scale came [other] converts and, at the very bottom, the … Christians and Jews."​

Flew’s vision of Islam as a means of Arab domination remains plausible when looking at modern times. Consider Said Halim Pasha, who served as Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1917. In 1916, according to Umut Uzer, the vizier claimed that the Empire’s decline was not due to any deficiency in Islam. Instead, the problem was that “the existence of ethnic identities prevented the true Islamization of societies, especially among non-Arabs.”

Ziya Gökalp, one of the founding figures of Turkish nationalism, disagreed, blaming intellectual stagnation for the country’s decline. Gökalp further stated “that Islamic civilization had detrimental impacts on the national culture of non-Arab Muslim peoples.” This anecdote strongly suggests an Arabist bias in Islam.

More recently, in 2008, Khaled Mash’al, then leader of Hamas, declared that soon the world would obey “the Arab Islamic will.”

At first blush, it may be hard to stomach the notion that Islam could be an instrument of Arab imperialism. But Antony Flew contends elsewhere that Islam is fundamentally different from a religion like Christianity. It is, he writes, much more politically focused and much more concerned with reordering society. In short, it is much more of an ideology. Against this backdrop, Flew’s thesis that Islam is linked to Arab imperialism is far from absurd.

Commentary: The Link Between Islam and Arab Imperialism - Tennessee Star

English philosopher Antony Flew once commented that Islam was “best described in a Marxian way as the uniting and justifying ideology of Arab imperialism.”

tennesseestar.com

 

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The Legacy of the Arab Slave Trade​

Did you know that the Arab slave trade has left a lasting legacy that continues to affect millions today, including those in Hamas ruled in Gaza.

The Arab slave trade, which began centuries before the transatlantic slave trade, was responsible for the forced migration and enslavement of millions of Africans. This dark chapter of history has left deep scars, not only in Africa but also in the Middle East.

• Fact 1: The Arab slave trade spanned over a millennium, with an estimated 17 million Africans enslaved and transported across the Arab world.
• Fact 2: The legacy of this trade is still evident today, with discriminatory practices and social hierarchies persisting in various Arab countries.

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One striking example is the Al Jalla'a district of Gaza, where at least 11,000 Africans live in a neighborhood called “Al Abeed,” which means slaves in Arabic. This name starkly reveals the deep-seated racism driving the Arab-Palestinian agenda today that many prefer to ignore.

How does the historical legacy of the Arab slave trade affect modern-day perceptions of human rights in the Middle East? What does the continued use of names like "Al Abeed" tell us about the real agenda of those who exploit the African American narrative for Arab imperialism?

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Pro Palestinians are attacking black Americans for their stance on Domestic issues here in the United States. Now many people in the black community in the States are DONE with "Pro Palestine". Watch to see people begin to speak up.

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Arab slave trade and invasion of Africa

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The Forgotten African Slaves of Lebanon​

In April 2020, authorities in Lebanon arrested one Wael Jerro after posting an advertisement to sell a Nigerian lady, Peace Busari, for a $1,000 on a popular ‘Buy & Sell in Lebanon’ Facebook group. In the post which had a screenshot of the 30-year-old lady’s international passport, Wael described Peace as “…very active and very neat.” He was subsequently charged to court for human trafficking while his victim was repatriated by the Nigerian authority.

Peace may be considered a lucky soul if her case is compared to other African migrants, who mainly work as maids, in the gulf country. For instance, back in March 2020, 23-year-old Faustina Tay from Ghana committed suicide after weeks of sending out several voice notes complaining of being molested by her employers. Her body was found in a car park in her employers’ storey building in Beruit. Faustina’s search for the proverbial greener pastures to Lebanon only lasted 10months during which she shared pictures of her bruised face and audios of her ordeal with family members back home. In an investigation by media outfit Aljazeera, her employer, Hussein Dia, whom Faustina had accused of beating her, refuted such claims. Ali Kamal, the man whose recruitment agency facilitated Faustina’s journey to Lebanon, also denied the lady was ever physically abused.

In 2018, the body of a 26-year-old Ethiopian was discovered drowned in a swimming pool within the premises of her agent in the town of Dweir only days after a baby delivered of her died due to birth complications. These cases represent a fraction of what many of the estimated quarter of a million Migrant Domestic Workers (MDWs) in Lebanon often experience and the story may, unfortunately, not change for the better anytime soon as highlighted by recent happenings.

Social Media to the Rescue​

One of the incidents pushed to the front burner in the aftermath of the August 4 massive explosion which claimed 200 lives at a Beirut seaport storage facility is the maltreatment of foreign maids. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an approximate eight percent of the 300,000 people affected by the incident are MDWs. Before the cataclysmic occurrence, the 6million Lebanese population had come under severe living conditions occasioned by a strained economy (with an estimated 25% inflation rate) compounded by the stringent measures of the Covid-19 pandemic. The dire situation is said to have equally taken a toll on employers of MDWs many of whom were reportedly sent parking from their temporary homes with nowhere to go. Reports claim many of the stranded aliens resorted to passing the nights on the sidewalks in the Lebanese capital.

Kafala System
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One of the 5,000 wounded in the devastating blast is Nkiru Obasi from Ebonyi in Nigeria. While getting ready to be evacuated to Nigeria alongside others on August 12, she and four others were stopped from embarking on a Lagos-bound airplane after her ‘madam’ interjected unmindful of the fact that the young lady was nursing wounds. The demeaning lifestyle of most migrant workers in Lebanon is bundled into an archaic tradition known as the ‘Kafala’ system that allows a domestic worker’s wholesome subjugation by his/her ‘masters.’ The practice is traced to the era of slave trading in many parts of Arab land, and – perhaps – explains the reason why it is largely sustained till date in Middle Eastern nations like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.), and so on. Human rights abuses such as sexual molestation, denial of movement, working long hours, and physical assaults are some of the trademarks of the physical-cum-psychological trauma which foreign domestic employees are subjected to by their employers with no legal reprieve. It is a system that has continued to consume generations of young, unsuspecting souls from Sub-Sahara Africa – and parts of Asia – lured with the prospect of a non-existing rosy life far beyond their abode.

Wissam Charaf: 'In Lebanon, everyone is looking for their slave'

In an interview with Le Monde, the French-Lebanese director of 'Dirty, Difficult, Dangerous' tells how the current events in his country inspired the story of his second feature film, which is both melancholic and ludicrous.

www.lemonde.fr

The Forgotten African Slaves of Lebanon

In April 2020, authorities in Lebanon arrested one Wael Jerro after posting an advertisement to sell a Nigerian lady, Peace Busari, for a $1,000

moderndiplomacy.eu

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Pro Palestinians are attacking black Americans for their stance on Domestic issues here in the United States. Now many people in the black community in the States are DONE with "Pro Palestine". Watch to see people begin to speak up.

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[Hector12]

Pro Palestinians are attacking black Americans for their stance on Domestic issues here in the United States. Now many people in the black community in the States are DONE with "Pro Palestine". Watch to see people begin to speak up.

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For decades Jew have contributed to the civil rights movement. Negroes owe the Palestinians nothing.

 

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Arab slave trade and invasion of Africa

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Islam & The Arab Invasion Of Egypt​

Ever wonder how Egypt
became the biggest "Arab country"?

 

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THE ROLE OF ARAB-MUSLIM IMPERIALISM IN THE CURRENT CONFLICT WITH THE JEWS​

The reason why the Arab world, and the Muslim-Arab world in particular, find Israel categorically unacceptable goes back to the doctrine of Dar al Harb, Dar al Islam. The land between the river and sea became a key part of the exploding Arab-Muslim empire – Dar al Islam – in the 7th century. Fast forward some 14 centuries, and the dissolution of the Caliphate in 1924 (the first ‘Nakba’) put an end to Dar al Islam formally. In the eyes of the West, Islam, the millennia-long foe, had been put in its place.

But this triumphalist vision of a world ultimately entirely submitted to Allah (through Islam) lived on, taking on a more modern form, more powerful and effective than the Ottoman basket case. Hassan al-Banna formed the Muslim Brotherhood (1927), a multi-generational plan to revive true Islam, fight the forces of secular modernity making inroads in the Arab world whose progress al-Banna saw as a regression to the ‘Jahaliyya,’ i.e. the ‘Ignorance’ of the pre-Islamic Arab world. He sought a long-term, multi-generational goal of a new salvific and eventually global Caliphate in which Muslims ruled according to Sharia: Where there was Dar al Harb, there shall be Dar al Islam.

For al-Banna, his triumphalist followers and sympathisers, the demotion of Islam in the eyes of the nations that had occurred through the military and cultural success of Western imperial-colonialists, threatened the very religion itself: ‘a declaration of war on all shapes of Islam.’ For them, Islam must dominate. Few forces today that seek global hegemony are so open about their imperial ambitions.

In the minds of supremacists like al Banna, therefore, the creation of Israel was a further catastrophe in this long war on Islam, the loss of territory in the heart of what was and should be dar al Islam, and a denial of Muslim imperial claims. The core of the Arab-Muslim irredentist demand that Israel be destroyed, is a direct expression of this imperialist Islam from its first century. Free infidels are anathema to Islam’s triumphalist sovereignty. ‘We cannot concede a grain of sand to Jews.’ For Abul A’la al-Maududi, the most systematic thinker of modern Islam explained, Jews must exist in the state of submission. ‘The purpose for which the Muslims are required to fight is … to put an end to their sovereignty and supremacy.’[1] To have the dissolution of the Caliphate followed two decades later by a Jewish state in the heart of what should be Dar al Islam was a continuation of the same war ‘against all shapes of Islam.’ For triumphalist Muslims like al-Banna, Islam necessitated dominion. Its demotion on the world stage was an existential threat. Hence, losing the battle with the Jews threatened to be an unmitigated disaster, utter humiliation on a global scale in response to which, in complete confidence in their impending victory, the Arab League promised historic massacres. To lose would fatally wound triumphalist Islam’s need for visible dominion. To Muslims such as these, Israel was a blasphemy against the Prophet (PBUH). An intolerable degradation. Another nakba. Indeed, The Muslim Brotherhood, initially a weak movement, only came into its own in the fight against Zionism.[2]

THE NAKBA​

This hard zero-sum mentality – if you win (anything) I lose; in order for me to win you must lose (everything) – has characterised one of the dominant currents in Arab attitudes towards Jews in the modern period. It’s not that more egalitarian, mutually respectful relations didn’t exist. The large influx of both Jews and Arabs in the first half of the 20th century, with far greater growth where Jews and Arabs lived together (Haifa) than where Arabs lived alone (and dominant), attests to the possibility of civil, voluntary relations between the two populations.[3] The current situation in Israeli hospitals is a rare case of a large Muslim minority integrated into the workings of professional democratic institutions. Israel has better relations with its Arab-Muslim citizens than any European country currently, despite having twice as large a population as any other democracy.

The Zionists put great importance on that reciprocity, and unlike European imperialism (which they saw themselves as explicitly rejecting), they purchased and worked the land, and played by the prevailing rules rather than conquering and then settling the land of displaced populations. They understood that their ability to live in the (former) Dar al Islam (i.e. among Muslim-majority nations), depended on that civil, demotic model of non-coercive, contractual relations prevailing. Their declaration of independence makes it clear that they operated in the liberal-progressive tradition of egalitarianism and self-determination rather than authoritarian imperialism.

The Great Arab Revolt of 1936-39, in which the Muslim Brotherhood played an important role, asserted the hard zero-sum triumphalist position. People who participated in the assault on both the British imperialists and the Zionists, did so to restore Arab honor. The Peel Commission made a point of asking Arab rioters how come, if things had so dramatically improved since the arrival of the Zionists, were they attacking Jews? Responded one rioter: ‘You say we are better off: you say my house has been enriched by the strangers who have entered it. But it is my house, and I did not invite the strangers in, or ask them to enrich it. Better a mat of my own than a shared house.’ In other words, ‘I prefer poverty as a member of the dominant group, to sharing in wealth’. One might call it a lose-lose: I can only ‘win’ (live in poverty) if you lose.

What we have here is a good example of what, mutatis mutandis, became of the spirit of Muslim imperial-colonialism over the many centuries in the land between the river and the sea. By the later Ottoman period, this was a classic case of so many prime-divider societies where the ruling elites dominate the vast majority of commoners living in poverty, and the backwater of a failing system: Muslim peasants – fellahin – and other commoners were in dire shape, impoverished by natural conditions, Bedouin raids, exploitative absentee landlords, and heavy state taxation, living at the edge of subsistence.

Their condition was far from the glorious triumphalism of their ancestors, but that apparently did not mean they renounced the proud sense of superiority appropriate to the conquest, but now threadbare … A mat of my own. When the Muslim Brotherhood and the Arab Nationalists denounced Western imperial-colonial aggression, they did so accurately: both sides were engaged in la raison du plus fort. But what they opposed to that aggression was their own, robust, millennia-long, imperial-colonialism, the so-called ‘resistance’ was imperial competition for dominion.

This framework clarifies the Muslim stakes in Israel’s creation. Nothing could be more catastrophic than the Jews, historically the weakest and most cowardly of the dhimmi, establishing an autonomous state in the heart of (what should be) Dar al Islam. (Scholars of shame-honor cultures note that as long as a humiliating fact [e.g. a wife’s infidelity] isn’t made public, it is bearable.) A Jewish state in Palestine was just such a public announcement of Muslim impotence.

And yet, that is precisely what happened. And the response to the catastrophe was to imprison the refugees from Palestine in ‘refugee camps’ (where most still live) and swear eternal enmity to the ‘Zionist entity.’ Here one finds the key triumphalist response among Arabs to Israel’s inexplicable and blasphemous success, a response that has dominated Arab leaders with few exceptions, to present: make your own people suffer as a way to promote the war you won’t admit you lost. Hamas explains:

The day the enemies conquer some part of the Muslim land, jihad becomes a personal duty of every Muslim. In the face of the Jewish occupation of Palestine, it is necessary to raise the banner of jihad. This requires the propagation of Islamic consciousness among the masses, locally [in Palestine], in the Arab world and in the Islamic world. It is necessary to instill the spirit of jihad in the nation, engage the enemies and join the ranks of the jihad fighters.

Read more:

Islamic and Arab Imperialism and Irredentism is driving the conflict between the river and the sea

Richard Landes is a historian of millennialism living in Jerusalem; his most recent book, Can “The Whole World” be Wrong?: Lethal Journalism, Antisemitism, and Global Jihad. Introduction: Rethink...

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